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Wehler and Hans-Ulrich
* Wehler, Hans-Ulrich " Bismarck's Imperialism 1862 – 1890 " Past and Present, No. 48, August 1970. pages 119 – 155 online edition
* 1931 – Hans-Ulrich Wehler, German historian
*" Pity for this Man is Out of Place " by Hans-Ulrich Wehler
The left-wing German historian Hans-Ulrich Wehler has defined social imperialism as " the diversions outwards of internal tensions and forces of change in order to preserve the social and political status quo ", and as a " defensive ideology " to counter the " disruptive effects of industrialization on the social and economic structure of Germany " In Wehler's opinion, social imperialism was a device that allowed the German government to distract public attention from domestic problems and preserve the existing social and political order Wehler argued the dominant elites used social imperialism as the glue to hold together a fractured society and to maintain popular support for the social status quo Wehler argued German colonial policy in the 1880s was the first example of social imperialism in action, and was followed up by the " Tirpitz plan " for expanding the German Navy starting in 1897 In this point of view, groups such as the Colonial Society and the Navy League are seen as instruments for the government to mobilize public support.
In the 1970s, the conservative German historian Andreas Hillgruber, together with his close associate Klaus Hildebrand, was involved in a very acrimonious debate with the leftish German historian Hans-Ulrich Wehler over the merits of the Primat der Aussenpolitik (" primacy of foreign politics ") and Primat der Innenpolitik (" primacy of domestic politics ") schools.
In the course of the 1960s, however, some German historians ( notably Hans-Ulrich Wehler and his cohort ) began to rebel against this idea, instead suggesting a " Primacy of Domestic Politics " ( Primat der Innenpolitik ), in which the insecurities of ( in this case German ) domestic policy drove the creation of foreign policy.
Modernization theory was presented by Hans-Ulrich Wehler ( 1931-) and his Bielefeld School as the way to transform " traditional " German history, that is, national political history, centered on a few " great men ," into an integrated and comparative history of German society encompassing societal structures outside politics.
* Hans-Ulrich Wehler ( b. 1931 ), 19th century Germany, Bielefeld School
The German Empire was, for Hans-Ulrich Wehler, a strange mixture of highly successful capitalist, industrialization and socio-economic modernization on the one hand, and of surviving pre-industrial institutions, power relations and traditional cultures on the other.
Hans-Ulrich Wehler, a leader of the Bielefeld School of social history, places the origins of Germany's path to disaster in the 1860s-1870s, when economic modernization took place, but political modernization did not happen and the old Prussian rural elite remained in firm control of the army, diplomacy and the civil service.
* Wehler, Hans-Ulrich " Bismarck's Imperialism 1862-1890 ," Past & Present, ( 1970 ) 48: 119-55 online
The left-wing German historian Hans-Ulrich Wehler has defined social imperialism " the diversions outwards of internal tensions and forces of change in order to preserve the social and political status quo ", and as a " defensive ideology " to counter the " disruptive effects of industrialization on the social and economic structure of Germany " In Wehler's opinion, social imperialism was a device that allowed the German government to distract public attention from domestic problems and preserve the existing social and political order Wehler argued the dominant elites used social imperialism as the glue to hold together a fractured society and to maintain popular support for the social status quo Wehler argued German colonial policy in the 1880s was the first example of social imperialism in action, and was followed up by the " Tirpitz plan " for expanding the German Navy starting in 1897 In this point of view, groups such as the Colonial Society and the Navy League are seen as instruments for the government to mobilize public support.
* Wehler, Hans-Ulrich Bismarck und der Imperialismus, Colonge: Kipenheur und Witsch, 1969.
* Wehler, Hans-Ulrich " Industrial Growth and Early German Imperialism " from Studies in the Theory of Imperialism edited by Roger Owen and Bob Sutcliffe, London: Longman, 1972.
In a 2008 interview, Kershaw lists as his major intellectual influences Martin Broszat, Hans Mommsen, Alan Milward, Timothy Mason, Hans-Ulrich Wehler, William Carr and Jeremy Noakes.
In his 2000 edition of The Nazi Dictatorship, Kershaw quoted with approval the dismissive remarks made by the German historian Hans-Ulrich Wehler in 1980 about such theories.
** The West German historians Klaus Hildebrand, Gerhard Ritter, and Andreas Hillgruber rejected the Sonderweg view, while the British historian A. J. P. Taylor and the West German historians Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Wolfgang Mommsen, Hans Mommsen and Fritz Fischer supported it.
On one side of the argument were the philosopher Jürgen Habermas, and the historians Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Jürgen Kocka, Hans Mommsen, Martin Broszat, Heinrich August Winkler, Eberhard Jäckel, and Wolfgang Mommsen.
* Wehler, Hans-Ulrich.
The faculty of history launched the " Bielefeld School " of Social History under Hans-Ulrich Wehler, while the Laborschule and Center for Interdisciplinary Research ( ZiF ) are projects of the faculty of educational science.

Wehler and Bismarck's
Wehler has been especially critical of what calls Otto von Bismarck's strategy of “ negative integration ” by which Bismarck sought to create a sense of Deutschtum ( Germanism ) and consolidate his power by subjecting various minority groups such as Roman Catholics, Alsatians, Poles, and Social Democrats to discriminatory laws.

Wehler and pages
" Wehler, Hans-Ulrich " pages 1289 – 1290 in The Encyclopedia of Historians and Historical Writing, Volume 2 edited by Kelly Boyd, Fitzroy Dearborn Publishers, London, 1999.
Some Reactions to H-U Wehler ’ s “ Das Deutsch Kaiserreich ”” pages 423-450 from German Studies Review, Volume 7, #.

Wehler and from
Wehler drew upon the modernization theory of Max Weber, with concepts also from Karl Marx, Otto Hintze, Gustav Schmoller, Werner Sombart and Thorstein Veblen.
The first is that Wehler credits leaders such as Admiral Alfred von Tirpitz and Prince Bernhard von Bülow with a greater degree of vision then what they in fact possessed The second is that many of the pressure groups on the right who advocated an imperialist policy for Germany were not the creations of the government, and in fact often demanded far more aggressive policies then what the government was willing to undertake The third was that many of these imperialist lobbying groups demanded a policy of political and social reform at home, in addition to imperialism abroad Eley argued that what is required in thinking about social imperialism is a broader picture with an interaction from above and below, and a wider view of the relationship between imperialism abroad and domestic politics.
* Dorpalen, Andreas " Gerhard Ritter " from Deutsche Historiker, edited by Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1973.
Wehler drew upon the modernization theory of Max Weber, with concepts also from Karl Marx, Otto Hintze, Gustav Schmoller, Werner Sombart and Thorstein Veblen.
Wehler has argued that Germany was the only nation to be created in Western Europe through a military " revolution from above ", which happened to occur at the same time that the agricultural revolution was fading and the Industrial Revolution was beginning in Central Europe.
Wehler has argued that the aggressive foreign policies of the German Empire, especially under Kaiser Wilhelm II, were largely part of an effort on the part of the government to distract the German people from the lack of internal democracy.
Wehler is an advocate of the concept of social imperialism, which he has defined as " the diversions outwards of internal tensions and forces of change in order to preserve the social and political status quo ", and as a " defensive ideology " to counter the " disruptive effects of industrialization on the social and economic structure of Germany " In Wehler's opinion, social imperialism was a device that allowed the German government to distract public attention from domestic problems to the benefit of preserving the existing social and political order Wehler argued that the dominant elites used social imperialism as the glue to hold together a fractured society and maintain popular support for the social status quo He further argued that German colonial policy in the 1880s was the first example of social imperialism in action, followed by the " Tirpitz plan " to expand the German Navy from 1897 onwards According to this point of view, groups such as the Colonial Society and the Navy League are seen as government instruments for mobilizing public support The demands for annexing most of Europe and Africa in World War I are seen by Wehler as the pinnacle of social imperialism
The German conservative historian Thomas Nipperdey has argued that Wehler presented German elites as more united than they were, focused too much on forces from above and not enough on forces from below in 19th century German society, and presented too stark a contrast between the forces of order and stabilization versus the forces of democracy with no explanation for the relative stability of the Empire.
* Schulin, Ernst " Friedrich Meinecke " from Deutsche Historiker, edited by Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1971.

Wehler and 1970
Wehler taught at the University of Cologne ( 1968 – 70 ), at the Free University of Berlin ( 1970 – 71 ) and at Bielefeld University ( 1971 – 96 ).

Wehler and .
The demands for annexing most of Europe and Africa in World War I are seen by Wehler as the pinnacle of social imperialism.
Wehler, who favored the Primat der Innenpolitik approach, for his part contended that diplomatic history should be treated as a sub-branch of social history, calling for theoretically-based research, and argued that the real focus should be on the study of the society in question.
In the 1970s and early 1980s German historians of society, led by Wehler and Jürgen Kocka at the " Bielefeld school " gained dominance in Germany by applying both modernization theories and social science methods.
Wehler ‎ argues that it produced a high degree of internal tension, which led on the one hand to the suppression of socialists, Catholics, and reformers, and on the other hand to a highly aggressive foreign policy.
The demands for annexing most of Europe and Africa in World War I are seen by Wehler as the pinnacle of social imperialism.

Hans-Ulrich and from
Hans-Ulrich Heldt rebuilt the College, the original building was from 1559, in 1786 in a neoclassical style.
* Richard Hamilton: Pop Daddy, from an interview by Hans-Ulrich Obrist, Tate Magazine

Hans-Ulrich and .
** Hans-Ulrich Rudel, German pilot ( d. 1982 )
* December 18 – Hans-Ulrich Rudel, German World War II dive bomber pilot ( b. 1916 )
Übersetzung aus dem Englischen: Hans-Ulrich Seebohm.
Überseztung aus dem Englischen: Hans-Ulrich Seebohm.
Other notable books that she translated for Euphorion included La Princesse de Clèves ( 1950 ), Niki Lauda's memoirs ( 1985 ), and Hans-Ulrich Rudel's memoirs, Stuka Pilot.
In 1995 his work was included at a show at the Serpentine Gallery in London, curated by Hans-Ulrich Obrist.
Hartmann's Geschwaderkommodore, Dietrich Hrabak, had given orders to Hartmann's unit to support the dive bombers of Sturzkampfgeschwader 2, led by the famous Stuka pilot Hans-Ulrich Rudel in a counterattack.
The foundation was backed by former Luftwaffe Oberst Hans-Ulrich Rudel.
Jimmy Ernst ( born Hans-Ulrich Ernst ) ( June 24, 1920-February 6, 1984 ) was an American painter born in Germany.
Savitri was an associate in the post-war years of Françoise Dior, Otto Skorzeny, Johannes von Leers, and Hans-Ulrich Rudel.
Savitri Devi became friends with Hans-Ulrich Rudel, and completed her manuscript of The Lightning and the Sun at his home in March 1956.
* September 23 – Hans-Ulrich Rudel single-handedly sinks the Soviet battleship Marat flying a Junkers Ju 87 dive bomber.
During his ambassadorial postings in Vienna and subsequently in Switzerland, Serrano contacted and cultivated ties of friendship with Léon Degrelle, Otto Skorzeny, Hans-Ulrich Rudel, Marc " Saint-Loup " Augier and Hanna Reitsch.
The most notable bombing was Stuka ace Hans-Ulrich Rudel's sinking of the Soviet battleship Marat.
A further degree, with Gold Oakleaves, Swords and Diamonds, was intended as a postwar honor for Germany's twelve greatest military heroes ; one was awarded ahead of schedule to Stuka ace Hans-Ulrich Rudel.

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