Bryan's name does not appear in Looney Tunes credits because of Mel Blanc's contract with Warner Brothers, which stipulated that only Blanc would receive on-screen credit for voice work.

His work on the series ( in Bryan's natural voice ) so impressed the Quinn and Leslie, that Bryan was added to the cast of their main show, Fibber McGee and Molly, in 1943.

Bryan's final original work as Fudd came in the Warner Bros. Edward R. Murrow spoof Person To Bunny.

After Bryan's loss, Butler continued to work for reform on the national stage which would benefit farmers, but this work would soon be cut short by the " white supremacy " campaigns of the Democratic Party in North Carolina.

Though an accomplished orator, Clarke's work as a railroad attorney, his opposition to Bryan's presidential candidacy seven years before, and his own personal limitations all contributed to his failure to upset his Republican rival, Mark Hanna, who won the balloting in the Ohio General Assembly by 115 votes to 25 for Clarke.

Bryan's strength was based on the traditional Democratic vote ( minus the middle class and the Germans ); he swept the old Populist strongholds in the west and South, and added the silverite states in the west, but did poorly in the industrial heartland.

The U. S. did not actually adopt the gold standard de jure until 1900, following a lengthy period of debate that was made famous by William Jennings Bryan's cross of gold speech at the 1896 Democratic convention.

One tempest was stirred up last March when Udall announced that an eight-and-a-half-foot bronze statue of William Jennings Bryan, sculpted by the late Gutzon Borglum, would be sent `` on indefinite loan '' to Salem, Illinois, Bryan's birthplace.

The anti-evolutionary legislation was not challenged again until 1965 and in the meantime William Jennings Bryan's cause was taken up by a number of organizations including the Bryan Bible League and the Defenders of the Christian Faith.

During the campaign, Taft undercut Bryan's liberal support by accepting some of his reformist ideas, and Roosevelt's progressive policies blurred the distinctions between the parties.

Jones points out that though Bryan's speaking engagements were not deemed political by the standards of 1896, by modern measurements he was far more active in campaigning for the nomination than most of the better-known candidates.

Bryan's words gave rise to later economic and political philosophies, including Huey Long's 1930s Share Our Wealth program, with its trigger phrase, " Every Man a King " inspired by Bryan's speech.

Following the presidential election of 1896, William Jennings Bryan, accompanied by the governor and other important people of the time, ventured to Forsyth after Bryan's defeat by William McKinley.

Along with several characters, including Bugs Bunny, Daffy Duck, or Porky Pig, all voiced by Mel Blanc, one of Warner's early big stars was Bryan's Elmer Fudd.

The slow-talking, slower-witted, enunciation-challenged Mr. Fudd is a game hunter whose Brooklynesque speech ( courtesy of Bryan's own childhood upbringing in the borough ) was exaggerated for memorable effect by his habitual substitution of W for the letters L and R, an effect further immortalized by the tongue-in-cheek screen credits of the 1941 Bugs Bunny short Wabbit Twouble.

In 2002, plans for a reunion set at CBGB featuring Bakija and Bryan were shattered by Bryan's sudden, fatal heart attack.

Clarke's political evolution during this period was facilitated considerably by his friendship with Cleveland mayor Tom L. Johnson, who helped restore Clarke's standing within the state party after Clarke's previous failure to support Bryan's presidential bid.

Price was away in England, Kelly and More told Bryan they considered themselves more convinced by evolution, and McCann was not interested because of Bryan's stance on prohibition.

In 1832, the family moved to Peach Point Plantation, in Jones Creek, Texas, where Bryan was instructed by a governess and his parents together took care of the plantation, cattle and other such property of Bryan's uncle Stephen F. Austin.

The results obtained by Lance-Corporal Bryan's action were very far-reaching.

It chronicles William Jennings Bryan's 1896 presidential campaign as seen through the eyes of an idealistic sixteen-year-old, who strongly supported the Democratic Party candidate and was crushed by Bryan's defeat at the hands of the Republican Party.

Many Populists rallied behind William Jennings Bryan's increasingly powerful branch of the Democratic Party, which built the rural economic issues advocated by Populists into their platform.

Bryan's 1896 candidacy was supported by Populists and " silver Republicans " as well as by Democrats.

Yet, if the argument is turned awry, there may be found a great deal in Bryan's view, after all.

By the later stages of the trial, Clarence Darrow had largely abandoned the ACLU's original strategy and attacked the literal interpretation of the Bible as well as Bryan's limited knowledge of other religions and science.

Most fundamentalists saw the trial as a victory and not a defeat, but Bryan's death soon after created a leadership void that no other fundamentalist leader could fill.

" Time related Bryan's arrival in town with the disparaging comment, " The populace, Bryan's to a moron, yowled a welcome.

* Transcript of Bryan's cross-examination Jonathan Marks.

Moreover, Wilson convinced Bryan's supporters that because Federal Reserve notes were obligations of the government, the plan met their demands for an elastic currency.

Having 12 regional banks was meant to weaken the influence of the powerful New York banks, a key demand of Bryan's allies in the South and West.

Bryan's address helped catapult him to the Democratic Party's presidential nomination ; it is considered one of the greatest political speeches in American history.

Bryan's speeches evolved over time ; in December 1894, in a speech in Congress, he first used a phrase from which would come the conclusion to his most famous address: as originally stated, it was " I will not help to crucify mankind upon a cross of gold.

Albert Shaw, editor of The Review of Reviews, stated that after Bryan's nomination, many easterners professed not to have heard of him but: " If, indeed, they had not heard of Mr. Bryan before, they had failed to follow closely the course of American politics in the past eight years.

Historian James A. Barnes, in his historical journal article pointing out myths that have arisen about Bryan's candidacy and campaign, stated that Bryan's efforts bore fruit even before the convention:

Gold and silver factions in some states, such as Bryan's Nebraska, sent rival delegations to the convention.

However, the senator wanted 50 minutes to speak, too long for a closing address, and at Bryan's request agreed to open the debate instead.

Tillman's speech, scheduled to be the only one in support of silver except Bryan's, was so badly received that Senator Jones, who had not planned to speak, gave a brief address asserting that silver was a national issue.

Bryan's lecture tours had left him a well-known spokesman for silver.

Bryan's opening claimed no personal prestige for himself — but nevertheless placed him as the spokesman for silver.

" The gold men, during the address, paid close attention and showed their appreciation for Bryan's oratory.

The convention passed the platform in Bryan's absence and recessed.