The 140,414 Americans who gave `` the last full measure of devotion '' to prevent disunion, preserved individual freedom in the United States from the dangers of anarchy, inherent in confederations, which throughout history have proved fatal in the end to all associations composed primarily of sovereign states, and to the liberties of their people.

The pamphlets are about law, the corporation, forms of government, the idea of freedom, the defense of liberty, the various lethargies which overtake our major institutions, the gap between traditional social ideals and the working mechanisms that have been set in motion for their realization.

These peoples, desperately hoping to lift themselves to decent levels of living must not, by our neglect, be forced to seek help from, and finally become virtual satellites of, those who proclaim their hostility to freedom.

The people of Katanga had fought for, and obtained, their freedom from the Communist yoke of Antoine Gizenga, and his cohorts.

They had been through trying times, but their faith in the Almighty had given them the courage and the strength to meet and overcome the many problems and difficulties that were the price they had to pay for freedom.

They could not guess that from their concepts of liberty and freedom would some day be born a new nation that for years would be the symbol of hope to the oppressed countries of the world.

Our own freedom, and the future of freedom around the world, depend, in a very real sense, on their ability to build growing and independent nations where men can live in dignity, liberated from the bonds of hunger, ignorance and poverty.

And the reason this could happen is clear: men of government, business men, lawyers and all who concerned themselves with the welfare of their fellow men did not let their concern to run their businesses at a profit restrict the development of freedom and opportunity.

And lest anybody think that considerations such as these are not germane in a foundation report, let me enlighten them with the truths that, under Communism there would have been no capital with which to endow the Foundation, and that there would not be that individual freedom within which the Fellows might proceed, untrammeled in every way, toward their discoveries, their creative efforts for the good of mankind.

Supporting activities -- business management, public relations, fund-raising -- offer presidents one of their best chances to buy freedom for attention to education.

Should not everyone have been awakened to it as an outstanding fact of our time that the nations poisoned by anti-Semitism proved less fortunate in regard to their own freedom than those whose citizens saved their Jewish compatriots from the transports??

William was adamant on one point: under no circumstances would he allow the Negroes to remain on the plantation with his and Henry's slaves if they were told of their coming freedom.

Otherwise, freedom would mean removal from the state in which `` as the place of their past residence from birth, or for many years, it would be materially for their advantage to be at liberty to remain ''.

On the other hand, some unwed mothers had had so much work and responsibility imposed on them at an early age, and had thus had so little freedom or opportunity to develop autonomy and initiative, that their work and responsibilities became dull and unrewarding burdens -- to be escaped and rebelled against through fun and experimentation with forbidden sexual behavior.

Everybody in the world today might as well make up their minds to march with freedom or freedom is going to march over them ''.

Love confirms others in their freedom, shuns propaganda and masks, assures others of its presence, and is ultimately confirmed not by mere declarations from others, but by each person's experience and practice from within.

This notion of sovereignty and freedom is foundational to their understanding of love since open theists believe that love is not genuine unless it is freely chosen.

Among the policy makers, generals, physicists, psychologists and others charged with controlling the actions of the button pushers and their `` hardware '', the answers to my questions varied partly according to a man's flair for what the professionals in this field call `` scenarios ''.

Ex-Presidents, relieved of accountability for policy, sometimes seem to feel free of accountability for their words.

I tried to do so by calling to their attention some of the problems that a senior departmental policy officer faces.

He may welcome their appropriate participation in the determination of high policy, but he has a right to expect, in return, that they will leave administrative matters to the administration.

American policy should press constantly the view that until these governments demand efficiency and effectiveness of their bureaucracies there is not the slightest hope that they will either modernize of democratize their societies.

However, the monetary authorities will continue to be required to pay attention to the consequences of their actions with respect to our international balance of payments position and the outflow of gold, as well as with regard to avoiding the creation of excessive liquidity in the economy, which would delay the effectiveness of monetary policy measures in the next expansion phase of the business cycle.

In general, it appears that trustees and board members attempt to represent the public interest in their administration of educational policy, and this is made easier by the fact that the dominant values of the society are middle-class values, which are generally thought to be valid for the entire society.

The members of the educational profession have a major voice in the determination of educational policy, their position being strongest in the universities.

At the same time, Roosevelt's Federal Housing Administration, coupled with Henry Morgenthau's cheap-money policy, permitted ordinary lower-middle-class families to build their own homes.

In itself there is nothing wrong with this form of `` participation '': the only difficulty on the Catholic campus is that those faculty members who are in a position to implement policy, i.e., members of the religious community which owns and administers the institution, have their own eating arrangements.

For a number of years, Wesleyan has been drawing varied groups of political and business leaders into these informal discussions with members of the faculty and student body, attempting to explore and clarify aspects of their responsibility for public policy.

On the other hand, the Radicals denounced his policy as too lenient, and passed their own plan, the Wade-Davis Bill, in 1864.

Whether this was a wise policy or not, it caused the Roman legionaries to look down on their emperor as one who was prepared to commit unsoldierly conduct.

The moderate senators and representatives ( who constituted a majority of the Union party ) asked him for only a slight compromise ; their action was really an entreaty that he would unite with them to preserve Congress and the country from the policy of the radicals.

Although metics had no direct political influence many were wealthy business owners who could, and sometimes did, influence policy by not allowing their citizen employees time off to attend the assembly, as well as having the simple expedient of wealth.

Though respected for their contributions to various academic disciplines ( respectively mathematics, linguistics, and literature ), the three men became known to the general public only by making often-controversial and disputed pronouncements on politics and public policy that would not be regarded as noteworthy if offered by a medical doctor or skilled tradesman.

) Some observers argue that, while academicians often perceive themselves as members of an elite, their influence is mostly imaginary: " Professors of humanities, with all their leftist fantasies, have little direct knowledge of American life and no impact whatever on public policy.

The program was also a part of a general policy of forced draft urbanization, which aimed to destroy the ability of peasants to support themselves in the countryside, forcing them to flee to the U. S. dominated cities, depriving the guerrillas of their rural support base.

The Soviets could not afford to ignore Reagan ’ s new endeavor, therefore their policy at the time was to enter negotiations with the Americans.

From the start, policy advocates from all sides attempted to influence NAPAP activities to support their particular policy advocacy efforts, or to disparage those of their opponents.

In fact, one important aspect of their very religion is the annihilation of men ''.

It is their tultul, the ' jumping platform ' of death.

Had the situation been reversed, had, for instance, England been the enemy in 1898 because of issues of concern chiefly to New England, there is little doubt that large numbers of Southerners would have happily put on their old Confederate uniforms to fight as allies of Britain.

Accidental war is so sensitive a subject that most of the people who could become directly involved in one are told just enough so they can perform their portions of incredibly complex tasks.

It is their job to think about the unthinkable.

Others are confined to vast reservations, and not only does the Australian government justifiably not wish them to be viewed as exhibits in a zoo, but on their reservations they are extremely fugitive, shunning camps, coming together only for corroborees at which their strange culture comes to its highest pitch -- which is very low indeed.

Isfahan became more of a legend than a place, and now it is for many people simply a name to which they attach their notions of old Persia and sometimes of the East.

Everyone is ready to grant the Persians their history, but almost no one is willing to acknowledge their present.

But more important, and the thing which the casual traveler and the blind sojourner often do not see, is that these places and activities are often the settings in which Persians exercise their extraordinary aesthetic sensibilities.

And it is expressed, at least to their taste, in a perfect form.

It is perhaps difficult to conceive, but imagine that tonight on London bridge the Teddy boys of the East End will gather to sing Marlowe, Herrick, Shakespeare, and perhaps some lyrics of their own.

Even though in most cases the completion of the definitive editions of their writings is still years off, enough documentation has already been assembled to warrant drawing a new composite profile of the leadership which performed the heroic dual feats of winning American independence and founding a new nation.

Before merging them into a common profile it is well to remember that their separate careers were extraordinary.

Westbrook further bemoans the Southern writers' creation of an unreal image of their homeland, which is too readily assimilated by both foreign readers and visiting Yankees: `` Our northerner is suspicious of all this crass evidence ( of urbanization ) presented to his senses.

In the meantime, while the South has been undergoing this phenomenal modernization that is so disappointing to the curious Yankee, Southern writers have certainly done little to reflect and promote their region's progress.

If his dancers are sometimes made to look as if they might be creatures from Mars, this is consistent with his intention of placing them in the orbit of another world, a world in which they are freed of their pedestrian identities.

Unconcerned with the practical function of his actions, the dancer is engrossed exclusively in their `` motional content ''.

Thus, there is freshness not only in the individual movements of the dance but in the shape of their continuity as well.

So great a man could not but understand, too, that the thing that moves men to sacrifice their lives is not the error of their thought, which their opponents see and attack, but the truth which the latter do not see -- any more than they see the error which mars the truth they themselves defend.