One of Deng's first political goals was to rehabilitate Party members who had been condemned and persecuted during the Cultural Revolution.

In 60, when Emperor Ming honored those who had served his father well by painting their portraits on a palace tower, Deng's portrait was placed in the first position.

One reason for Chen's ability to escape political persecution, especially in Mao's time, was his lack of will or ability to challenge the top leadership ( one of Deng's merits was that he did not subject his defeated critics to public abuse ).

Under his staff members ' suggestion, Sun sent troops to catch Deng's departing envoy, but Zhang Yi had already realized what Sun would do after observing his attitude on the banquet, and thus he and Deng Zhi quickly left Eastern Wu by speeding up their journey, and made back to Shu Han just one day ahead of Sun Quan's troops sent after them.

Deng's forces, also hungry, tried to take the food, which turned out to only contain one layer of beans with dirt underneath.

An dismissed Deng's clan members from office, exiled them and forced many to commit suicide.

All of these rights were removed from the constitution after Deng's government suppressed the Democracy Wall movement in 1979.

Some hold that the Revolution ' cleansed ' China from superstitions, religious dogma, and outdated traditions in a ' modernist transformation ' that later made Deng's economic reforms possible.

Although Mao Zedong Thought nominally remains the state ideology, Deng's admonition to seek truth from facts means that state policies are judged on their practical consequences ; the role of ideology in determining policy, in many areas, has thus been considerably reduced.

One of the main issues that government censors identified was the concern that details of Hu's relationship with Deng Xiaoping ( especially details of Hu's removal from power after resisting orders to crack down on student demonstrators in 1987 ) would reflect poorly on Deng's legacy.

At the same time, Jiang elevated many of his supporters from Shanghai to high government positions, after regaining Deng's confidence.

Yang's family benefited from Deng's economic reforms, and he was able to promote his children to important posts in several state-owned monopolies that the Chinese government founded to promote economic growth.

Deng's famous “ Cats Theory ” (“ Whether it is a black cat or a white cat, as long as it can catch the rat, it is a good cat ”), in fact, originated from Liu.

This proved a trigger for Deng's manoeuvre in 1978 to gain control of economic policy in China, and led eventually to Hua being demoted from the party leadership in 1980.

Deng's intentions were to have power divided, thus preventing a cult of personality from forming as it did in the case of Mao.

Inspired by Fang Lizhi, a physicist from the University of Science and Technology of China who gave speeches criticizing Deng's go slow policies, students took to protest.

After 1989 Bo intervened numerous times to support Deng's efforts to re-start economic ( but not political ) liberalization, and to prevent economic hardliners from dominating Party politics.

" But Zhuge executed Deng's messenger, moved out from the fortress, and supposedly arranged the famous military formation improved by Zhuge Liang -- Eight Trigrams Formation.

After Wang's defeat, it was at Deng's suggestion that Liu, who had decided to break away from Emperor Gengshi by that point, entrusted his base of the He ' nei ( 河內, modern northern Henan north of the Yellow River ) region to Kou Xun ( 寇恂 ) -- a key suggestion since Kou was an able administrator who turned He ' nei into a wealthy territory capable of supplying Liu's subsequent campaigns.

His mother, surnamed Dan, died early in Deng's life, leaving Deng, his three brothers and three sisters.

His third and final selection, Jiang Zemin, won Deng's continued, although ambiguous backing and was the only General Secretary in Communist Chinese history to voluntarily leave his post when his term ended.

Liu and Deng's relationship was greatly exaggerated by the Chinese general populace as a way to protest Mao Zedong's disastrous Cultural Revolution: In 1972, shortly after the death of Chinese Field Marshal Chen Yi, Liu told his family that after his death, he wanted his funeral to be held by Deng, and his eulogy to be done by Deng, and this was when Deng was still under house arrest and Liu did so to show his support.

Jiang Qing was especially paranoid of Deng's influence on national affairs, whereas she considered Hua Guofeng a mere nuisance.

" Deng's father, Deng Wenming, was a middle-level landowner and had studied at the University of Law and Political Science in Chengdu.

Liu was also very close to Deng Xiaoping as his modernization efforts were very much in keeping with Deng's national policies.

Zhao Ziyang later wrote in his autobiography that, although Deng had stated many of these sentiments in a private conversation with Li Peng shortly before the editorial was written, Li had these comments disseminated to Party members and published as the editorial without Deng's knowledge or consent.

In Deng's day, support of radical Maoism was regarded as a form of " left deviationism " and being based on a cult of personality, although these ' errors ' are officially attributed to the Gang of Four rather than to Mao himself.

Deng's belief, however, stipulated that the only solution to keeping the legitimacy of Communist rule over China was to continue the drive for modernization and economic reform, and therefore placed himself at odds with Jiang.

During Deng's southern tours, he subtly suggested that the pace of reform was not fast enough, and the " central leadership " ( i. e. Jiang ) had most responsibility.

It was a huge step to take in the realization of Deng's " Socialism with Chinese characteristics ".

This argument was decisively resolved in Deng's favor in late 1978, which is generally taken as the start of the era of Chinese economic reform.

It was rumored that the Gang of Four had become apprehensive of Deng's influence and thus attempted his removal.

In 121, Consort Song's grandson Emperor An of Han assumed power after Empress Deng's death and Cai was ordered to report to prison.

Although Deng Xiaoping was Zhao's only firm supporter among the Party elders, Deng's support was sufficient to protect Zhao throughout Zhao's career.

Yang had a close friendship with Deng and shared many of Deng's long-term economic goals, but was far less enthusiastic about the agenda of political liberalization promoted by other senior leaders favoured by Deng, including Hu Yaobang, Zhao Ziyang, Wan Li, and Hu Qili.

Chen was not, in principle, opposed to the scope of Deng's reforms: China's economic policy had effectively frozen consumer prices for decades, to the point that prices in China no longer had much relationship to the relative value of resources, goods, or services.

The immediate consequence of Deng's price reform was a sudden and massive inflation, unprecedented in the experience of the younger generation and particularly frightening to older folks who could still remember the rampant inflation in the last years of the Nationalist regime.

He was much less enthusiastic about the market than Deng Xiaoping and Deng's younger colleagues.

Chen's criticism of the Deng's economic reforms was influential within the Communist Party, and was reflected in the policies of China's leaders after Deng.

Liu and Deng's relationship grew strong only after the communist takeover because both were discontent with Mao Zedong's disastrous policy such as Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution: As Liu was persecuted in the late 1950s, Deng showed his support to Liu, as the latter was making rounds of analyses and apologies for the so-called dogmatism and empiricism.

The coalition of Hua's political supporters, bearing the name of " the whatever faction ", also lost its power after the Deng's political maneuver: Wang Dongxing, Ji Dengkui, Wu De, and Chen Xilian, the so-called " Little Gang of Four ", were relieved of all the Party and state posts during the 5th Plenum of the CC CCP, 23-39 February 1980.