For platformist anarcho-communist Wayne Price " Today ’ s proposals for Parecon, in which workers are rewarded for the intensity and duration of their labor in a cooperative economy, would fit into Bakunin ’ s or Marx ’ s concept of a transitory, beginning, phase, of a free society ... Kropotkin rejected the two-phase approach of the Marxists and the anarchist-collectivists.

For Marxists, the stage of economic development in which this is possible, sometimes called pure communism, is contingent upon advances in the productive capabilities of society.

For orthodox Marxists, socialism is the lower stage of communism based on the principle of " from each according to his ability, to each according to his contribution " while upper stage communism is based on the principle of " from each according to his ability, to each according to his need "; the upper stage becoming possible only after the socialist stage further develops economic efficiency and the automation of production has led to a superabundance of goods and services.

For Marxists, the development of capitalism in western Europe provided a material basis for the possibility of bringing about socialism because, according to the Communist Manifesto, " What the bourgeoisie produces above all is its own grave diggers ", namely the working class, which must become conscious of the historical objectives set it by society.

For Marxists, class antagonism is rooted in the situation that control over social production necessarily entails control over the class which produces goods — in capitalism this is the exploitation of workers by the bourgeoisie.

For Marxists the causes of and solutions to unemployment require abolishing capitalism and shifting to socialism or communism.

For contemporary Marxists, the existence of persistent unemployment is proof of the inability of capitalism to ensure full employment.

For the Marxists who had come to dominate the Socialist Labor Party by the 1890s, this idea was exactly backwards.

For Marxists, the two most relevant classes are the " bourgeoisie ", those who own the means of production, and the " proletariat ", more explicitly, the wage laborers.

For Marxists ( especially those of the Soviet Realism type ), authorial intent is manifest in the text and must be placed in a context of liberation and the materialist dialectic.

For the new generation of recruits in the Sixties and early Seventies, he was the major link to the older generation of class-struggle militants and Marxists who had built the labour and socialist movements in previous decades.

For Marxists, the overthrow of the entire ruling class means not just a seizure of their state power, but the establishment of an entirely different sort of state, one structured to protect working class control of production -- such a fundamental change, it is usually argued, cannot take place within the electoral system of a state designed foremost for the protection of private property.

For Engels and other Marxists, this theory was important as it supported their conviction that materialistic factors — economic and technological — are decisive in shaping the fate of humanity.

For example, structural Marxists have attempted to use comparative methods to discover the general processes that underlie apparently different social orderings in different societies.

For their actions, the British government labelled these men as " India's earliest Marxists ".

For example, Peter Hain interprets libertarian socialism as minarchist rather than anarchist, favoring radical decentralization of power without going as far as the complete abolition of the state and libertarian socialist Noam Chomsky supports dismantling all forms of unjustified social or economic power, while also emphasizing that state intervention should be supported as a temporary protection while oppressive structures remain in existence.

For instance mutualist anarchism is more influenced by liberalism while communist and syndicalist anarchism are more influenced by socialism.

For anarchists, state socialism is equivalent to state capitalism, hence oppressive and merely a shift from private capitalists to the state being the sole employer and capitalist.

For example, Robert M. Page, a Reader in Democratic Socialism and Social Policy at the University of Birmingham, writes about " transformative democratic socialism " to refer to the politics of the Clement Attlee government ( a strong welfare state, fiscal redistribution, some nationalisation ) and " revisionist democratic socialism ," as developed by Anthony Crosland and Harold Wilson:

For example, Peter Hain classifies democratic socialism, along with libertarian socialism, as a form of anti-authoritarian " socialism from below " ( using the term popularised by Hal Draper ), in contrast to Stalinism and social democracy, variants of authoritarian state socialism.

For example, Mikhail Gorbachev described perestroika as building a " new, humane and democratic socialism.

" For the historian of the anarchist movement Ronald Creagh, the hippie movement could be considered as the last spectacular resurgence of utopian socialism For Creagh, a characteristic of this is the desire for the transformation of society not through political revolution, or through reformist action pushed forward by the state, but through the creation of a counter-society of a socialist character in the midst of the current system, which will be made up of ideal communities of a more or less libertarian social form.

For example, Alec Nove's conception of feasible socialism provides an outline for an economic system based on a combination of state-enterprises for large industries, worker and consumer cooperatives, private enterprises for small-scale operations, and individually-owned enterprises.

For instance, " socialism " may refer to an economic system, or it may refer to an ideology which supports that economic system.

For example, An Inspector Calls, as well as being a " Time Play ", contains many references to socialism — the inspector was arguably an alter ego through which Priestley could express his views.

For the nature of his socialism, he referred to Eduard Bernstein, an anti-Marxist, pro-capitalism Social Democrat, popularizing the motto: " The important thing is the movement, not the goal.

For the Fabian Society he wrote on poverty in London, the eight-hour day, land nationalisation the nature of socialism, education, eugenics and reform of the House of Lords.

For example, in the twentieth century, many land reforms emerged from a particular political ideology, such as communism or socialism.

For example, the preamble to the Socialist Republic of Vietnam's constitution states that Vietnam only entered a transition stage between capitalism and socialism after the country was re-unified under the Communist party in 1976, and the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Cuba states that the role of the Communist Party is to " guide the common effort toward the goals and construction of socialism ".

For Bordiga, both stages of socialist or communist society ( sometimes distinguished as " socialism " and " communism ") were characterised by the ( gradual ) absence of money, the market, and so on, the difference between them being that earlier in the first stage a system of ' rationing ' would be used to allocate goods to people, while in communism this could be abandoned in favour of full free access.

For this strong-willed man, this late nineteenth-century Grand Inquisitioner of American socialism, there was no middle ground.

For example, the Marx Brothers ' classic film Duck Soup, at the climax of the film, the camera shows a shot of Groucho Marx speaking a line, followed by a shot of something else happening, followed by another shot of Groucho.

For Marx, what defined feudalism was that the power of the ruling class ( the aristocracy ) rested on their control of arable land, leading to a class society based upon the exploitation of the peasants who farm these lands, typically under serfdom.

For the DeSoto ads Marx would sometimes say: " Tell ' em Groucho sent you ", or " Try a DeSoto before you decide ".

For Marx, productive forces refer to the means of production such as the tools, instruments, technology, land, raw materials, and human knowledge and abilities in terms of using these means of production.

For both Marx and Hegel, self-development begins with an experience of internal alienation stemming from this recognition, followed by a realisation that the actual self, as a subjective agent, renders its potential counterpart an object to be apprehended.

For Marx, then, human nature — Gattungswesen, or species-being — exists as a function of human labour.

For Marx, the possibility that one may give up ownership of one's own labour — one's capacity to transform the world — is tantamount to being alienated from one's own nature ; it is a spiritual loss.

For Marx and Engels, conditions determine consciousness and ending the role of the capitalist class leads eventually to a classless society in which the state would wither away.

For Marx, class is a combination of objective and subjective factors.

For Marx, the history of class society was a history of class conflict.

For Marx scientific and true knowledge is ' in accordance with the dialectical understanding of history ' and ideological knowledge ' an epiphenomenal expression of the relation of material forces in a given economic arrangement '.

For Marx, a productive inquiry had to investigate what sorts of things are good for people — that is, what our nature, alienated under capitalism, really is.

For many moviegoers, Harpo Marx provided their first and only introduction to harp music.

* For Marx, by Louis Althusser, Verso ( 1900 )

For some writers, such as Karl Marx, the centrality of Europe to an understanding of world history did not imply any innate European superiority, but he nevertheless assumed that Europe provided a model for the world as a whole.

For example, Julius Marx would play ( and be credited as ) Groucho, whether he was cast a professor ( as in Horse Feathers ), a veterinarian ( A Day at the Races ), or a president ( Duck Soup ).

For Marx, civil society was the ‘ base ’ where productive forces and social relations were taking place, whereas political society was the ' superstructure '.

For Marx, the gigantic increase in wealth and population from the 19th century onwards was mainly due to the competitive striving to obtain maximum surplus-value from the employment of labor, resulting in an equally gigantic increase of productivity and capital resources.

For Marx, increasing profits is, at least in the longer term, the " bottom line " of business behaviour: the quest for obtaining extra surplus-value, and the incomes obtained from it, are what guides capitalist development ( in modern language, " creating maximum shareholder value ").

For Marx r was a portion of surplus value.

For Marx, it is only by becoming aware of the dialectic of such opposing forces, in a struggle for power, that individuals can liberate themselves and change the existing social order.

" For Marx, a communist society entails the absence of differing social classes and thus the end of class warfare.