* Michel Foucault: Critiqued the modern conception of power on the basis of the prison complex and other prohibitive institutions, such as those that designate sexuality, madness and knowledge as the roots of their infrastructure, a critique which then demonstrated that subjection is the power formation of subjects in any linguistic forum and that revolution cannot just be thought as the reversal of power between classes.

Born into a middle-class family in Poitiers, Foucault was educated at the Lycée Henri-IV and then the École Normale Supérieure, where he developed a keen interest in philosophy and came under the influence of his tutors Jean Hyppolite and Louis Althusser.

Hyppolite devoted his energies to uniting the existentialist theories then in vogue among French philosophers with the dialectical theories of Hegel and Karl Marx ( 1818 – 1883 ); these ideas influenced the young Foucault, who would adopt Hyppolite's conviction that philosophy must be developed through a study of history.

In the summer of 1983, he noticed that he had a persistent dry cough ; friends in Paris became concerned that he may have contracted the HIV / AIDS virus then sweeping the San Francisco gay population, but Foucault insisted that he had nothing more than a pulmonary infection that would clear up when he spent the autumn of 1983 in California.

Foucault then inquires how such a change in French society's punishment of convicts could have developed in such a short time.

Foucault proceeds to examine how the confession of sexuality then came to be " constituted in scientific terms ", arguing that scientists began to trace the cause of all aspects of human psychology and society to sexual factors.

In the second and third volumes of The History of Sexuality, namely, The Use of Pleasure ( 1984 ) and The Care of the Self ( 1984 ), and in his lecture on " Technologies of the Self " ( 1982 ), Foucault elaborated a distinction between subjectivation and forms of subjectification by exploring how selves were fashioned and then lived in ways which were both heteronomously and autonomously determined.

The dildo was academically analyzed in a paper presented at the 1995 Bowling Green State University Conference in Cultural Studies: Lesbian Pornography and Transformation: Foucault, Bourdieu, and de Certeau Make Sense of the Jeff Stryker Dildo, by Mary T. Conway, then a graduate student at Temple University.

He also co-authored Michel Foucault: Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics, translated Merleau-Ponty's Sense and Non-Sense, and authored the controversial 1972 book What Computers Can't Do, revised first in 1979, and then again in 1992 with a new introduction as What Computers Still Can't Do.

" The problem for Foucault is in some sense a theoretical modeling which posits a soul, an identity ( the use of soul being fortunate since ' identity ' or ' name ' would not properly express the method of subjection — e. g., if mere materiality were used as a way of tracking individuals then the method of punishment would not have switched from torture to psychiatry ) which allows a whole materiality of prison to develop.

Foucault then goes on further to investigate what was the reasoning behind this modern biopolitical state racism.

Unfortunately, from the classical standpoint investigative work is viewed upon as having difficulty to interpret ; data with no end product isolating power and then man, as either in a position of interpretation by the classical theorists as the final conclusion or man having anthropological characteristics with ancient relic features borrowed from the Pleistocene era which have never altered with additional evolutionary, cultural and biological salient features rather than having a real historical and social character involved. Or to investigate critically this power, with man and his involvement with his interactions with the environment making it impossible to have any rigorous explanation or conclusions. Political systems, or knowledge systems in general, from the classical perspective, become too large to be comprehended interpreting the environment of man as an anachronism ; information and data produced surrounding man as poorly understood viewing historical information as having no, or absence of history. Obviously from the classical point of view, modern research methods ( all from " Social sciences, Sociology, Humanities ") cannot be used to penetrate observation leaving gaps in our knowledge and an accepted taken for granted approach to any analysis. Foucault views this as the exact opposite of rational analysis, with its operations ( power ) as nothing more than a series of contingencies and networks.

Foucault then develops a holistic account of power and uses methods not too dissimilar to the astonishing and outstanding Medieval Islamic polymaths scholars Alhazen, Ibn Sīnā, and Ibn Khaldūn and to a lesser extant prominent science figures from 20th century science such as ; Gregory Bateson, James Lovelock ( the founder of Gaia hypothesis ) and Robert N. Proctor ( Proctor who coined the term Agnotology ) and urges us to think outside the box of this new kind of power, therefore, opening up the possibilities of further investigations into this new perceived, impenetrable nature of biopower and according to Foucault he asks us to remember, this type of power is never neutral nor is it independent from the rest of society but are embedded within society functioning as embellished ' control technology ' specifics. Foucault argues ; nation states, police, government, legal practices, human sciences and medical institutions have their own rationale, cause and effects, strategies, technologies, mechanisms and codes and have managed successfully in the past to obscure there workings by hiding behind observation and scrutiny.

Although Michel Foucault is the name primarily associated with the concept of biopower and bio-politics, the term Biopolitics was in fact used tentatively in 1911 when the magazine The New Age published the article " Biopolitics " by G. W. Harris and then reused in 1938 by Morley Roberts ( 1857 – 1942 ) in his book Biopolitics.

Foucault then offers from his lectures his conclusions from both the schools of thought of the twentieth century from this time ; neo-liberalism, German ordoliberalism ( the Freiburg School ) and the Chicago school ( sociology ).

Foucault then takes on the concept into a different direction by positioning it between biological processes, the control of human populations through political means ; government, management and Social organization ; through work, the labor force and the ruthless efficiency of the organization of money through the International monetary systems of whole human populations ( bio ) and politics ( polis ), this is essentially Foucault's meaning of biopolitics ; human biology and its amalgamation with politics.

Foucault then situates liberalism's take on society where liberalism sees the state and society as a societal organism ( neoliberalism never mentions it in any of their narratives nor is it ever mentioned by name as it is automatically assumed by liberalism that state organization was automatically, ingrained in the human psyche in the guise of an invisible organic whole called the body politic, where all humans are involved regardless of their class position ) capable of producing, multiplying, reproducing and if necessary, having a destructive capability.

The industrial working population which comprises the overwhelming majority of human populations anywhere in the world, in a wider context unwittingly there must be at least seen, essentially a systematic position however clandestinely operated, without disruption taking place of economic productivity and activity which still has to take place in a smooth, transitory and unfussy way this then takes on a new meaning Foucault offers us a chilling reminder of those who take part, through no fault of their own, in this involuntary naive complicity he introduces to us the concept of Homo economicus ( economic man )

Foucault then briefly touches on B F Skinner ; ( the founder of radical behaviorism ), and Robert Castel but unfortunately it is very brief however, in Foucault's defence, he himself does admit ' there is little literature ' available in France on these techniques, however, to be critical, Foucault did belong to the most prestigious academic institutions in Europe ( Collège de France ) with unprecedented access to many journals in France and it would be unlikely that they would be unavailable to him.

It is clear then that any standard neuroscience journal will show you this, it is not the body but the mind, as is often thought by Foucault and the postmodernism movement, both thought that the body ( not the mind ), an often repeated mistake a simple mistake, but a crucial one.

Foucault then notices that this art of government were internal to society itself, not external, this type of self-government was practiced right throughout European society ; such as Italy, Germany, France, etc.

Foucault reads into this that the philosophy of raison d ' état having found its way into Europe through the Peace of Westphalia ( known as the Balance of power ); this can be found in the works of Italian political philosopher Giovanni Botero where Botero concluded that the state is a firm domination over peoples and to keep hold of its preservation one was expected to have knowledge of the appropriate means for founding preserving, and expanding such a domination.

Foucault reads into Bacon the theory of revolt of the people and there are two categories of individuals within the state, the common people ( very often referred in text as Peasants, the People, the Common people, the poor, or at times Vagabond vagrants ) and the nobility, what differentiates the common people and the nobility is their unshared interest.

Foucault then reads into this that in contemporary German which was in reality a founding consensus of the state.

In the 1980s books like Anthropology and the Colonial Encounter pondered anthropology's ties to colonial inequality, while the immense popularity of theorists such as Antonio Gramsci and Michel Foucault moved issues of power and hegemony into the spotlight.

In his lectures at the Collège de France, Foucault often defines governmentality as the broad art of " governing ," which goes beyond the traditional conception of governance in terms of state mandates, and into other realms such as governing " a household, souls, children, a province, a convent, a religious order, a family ".

Embracing the Parisian avant-garde, Foucault entered into a romantic relationship with the composer Jean Barraqué ( 1928 – 1973 ), a prominent advocate of serialism.

While the latter attempted to convert the work into an epic opera, Foucault admired Broch's text for its portrayal of death as an affirmation of life.

Interested in the work of Swiss psychologist Ludwig Binswanger ( 1881 – 1966 ), Foucault aided a young woman and family friend named Jacqueline Verdeaux in translating his works into French.

While working in West Germany, Foucault had finally completed his doctoral thesis, Folie et déraison: Histoire de la folie à l ' âge classique ( Madness and Insanity: History of Madness in the Classical Age ), a philosophical work based upon his studies into the history of medicine.

It was in this stage of his life that Foucault met the young philosopher Daniel Defert ( 1937 –), and they would enter into a non-monogamous relationship that would last for the rest of Foucault's life.

In April 1966, Gallimard brought out another significant work by Foucault, Les Mots et les choses: Une archéologie des sciences humaines (" The words and the things "), which was later translated into English as The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences.

At one point, Foucault contracted the HIV virus, which would eventually develop into AIDS.

These, he claimed, had transformed 17th and 18th century studies of " general grammar " into modern " linguistics ", " natural history " into modern " biology ", and " analysis of wealth " into modern " economics "; though not, claimed Foucault, without loss of meaning.

According to Foucault, Marxists also seized this discourse and took it in a different direction, transforming the essentialist notion of " race " into the historical notion of " class struggle ", defined by socially structured position: capitalist or proletarian.

Michel Foucault rejected the label of postmodernism explicitly in interviews yet is seen by many, such as Benhabib, as advocating a form of critique that is " postmodern " in that it breaks with utopian and transcendental " modern " critiques by calling universal norms of the Enlightenment into question.

Léon Foucault and others developed interrupters consisting of an oscillating needle dipping into and out of a container of mercury.

Proceeding to go into further depth in Part Two, " The Repressive Hypothesis ", Foucault notes that from the 17th century to the 1970s, there had actually been a " veritable discursive explosion " in the discussion of sex, albeit using an " authorized vocabulary " that codified where you could talk about it, when you could talk about it, and with whom.

The second part of Foucault ’ s definition ( the " resulting, on the one hand, in formation of a whole series of specific governmental apparatuses, and, on the other, in the development of a whole complex of savoirs ") presents governmentality as the long, slow development of Western governments which eventually took over from forms of governance like sovereignty and discipline into what it is today: bureaucracies and the typical methods by which they operate.

According to Foucault, there are several instances where the Western, " liberal art of government " enters into a period of crisis, where the logic of ensuring freedom ( which was defined against the background of risk or danger ) necessitates actions " which potentially risk producing exactly the opposite.

In 1931, it was turned into the Antireligious Museum, The dove sculpture was removed, and replaced by a Foucault pendulum.

Although the ancient Greeks ( among others ) had much to say on discourse, some scholars consider the Austrian emigre Leo Spitzer's Stilstudien Studies of 1928 the earliest example of discourse analysis ( DA ); Michel Foucault himself translated it into French.

In his lecture course Society Must Be Defended, Foucault's tentative sojourner into biopolitical state racism, and its ' brilliant ' accomplished rationale of myth-making and narrative in which Foucault states the fundamental difference between biopolitics and discipline is :" Where discipline is the technology deployed to make individuals behave, to be efficient and productive workers, biopolitics is deployed to manage population ; for example, to ensure a healthy workforce ".

Here at least explains, from the Classical viewpoint, its approximate method with a large amount of traditional rationality for its oeuvre heavily reliant on tradition to make conclusions ' as final decisions ' towards conclusions. Foucault uses a rather unusual method involving oeuvre de la obscure meaning the ' obscure ' is seen as the building block for human rationality functioning as norms which become familiar to people, giving the uninformed their ' view ' and ' truth ' of the world. The uninformed means the uninformed who have no direct access to policy decision making therefore condemning those who work into a continuous comatose ignorance producing this network of power systems creating what Marx called ' labour power ' which recreate and recycle a functioning society ( comparable to a living breathing organism ) and the population of producers who have no monetary resources and ownership of capital wealth ; ownership of mines, banks, transportation equipment and machinery, such as aeroplanes car manufacturers and industry and therefore are confined to the bottom of the hiercharchical pyramid, producing the problematization of a society comparable to Ants or Bees which inform evolutionary biology, for example of human nature. While inaccurate and now known to be scientifically flawed, nevertheless it remains ' true ' from the classical perspective as opposed to the working population who are not uneducated or illiterate a wall which can be pieced.