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Fouché closed the Jacobin Club in a daring manner, hunting down those pamphleteers and editors, whether Jacobins or Royalists, who were influential critics of the government, so that at the time of the return of general Napoleon Bonaparte from the Egyptian campaign ( October 1799 ), the ex-Jacobin was one of the most powerful men in France.
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Fouché and closed
< span lang =" fr "> Fouché </ span > closed the Jacobin Club and deported a number of journalists.
Fouché and Jacobin
The crisis which resulted from the declaration of war by the Convention against Great Britain and the Dutch Republic ( 1 February 1793, see French Revolutionary Wars ), and a little later against Spain, made Fouché famous as one of the Jacobin radicals holding power in Paris.
A sharp exchange took place between them, and Robespierre tried to expel Fouché from the Jacobin Club on 14 July 1794.
Fouché and manner
The 1911 Britannica portrays Fouché in the following manner:
Fouché and those
Fouché was strongly in favor of the king's immediate execution, and denounced those who wavered.
Modern research, however, demonstrates that at the close of those horrors Fouché exercised a moderating influence.
After the proclamation of the First French Empire, Fouché again became head of the re-constituted ministry of police ( July 1804 ), and later of Internal Affairs, with activities as important as those carried out under the Consulate.
Fouché, once a revolutionary using extreme terror against the Bourbon supporters, now initiated a campaign of White Terror against real and imaginary enemies of the Royalist restoration ( officially directed against those who had plotted and supported Napoléon's return to power ).
The Mémoires of Fouch &# 233 ; ( Paris, 1828-29 ) and those of Fauche-Borel have also been ascribed to him, but in the case of the former it seems certain that he only revised and completed a work really composed by Fouché himself.
Priests were among those drowned in mass executions ( noyades ) for treason under the direction of Jean-Baptiste Carrier ; priests and nuns were among the mass executions at Lyon, for separatism, on the orders of Joseph Fouché and Collot d ' Herbois.
Fouché and Jacobins
When Napoleon showed himself eager to blame the still powerful Jacobins, Fouché firmly declared that he would not only assert but would prove that the outrage was the work of Royalists.
In other matters ( especially in that known as the Plot of the Placards in the spring of 1802 ), Fouché was thought to have saved the Jacobins from the vengeance of the Consulate, and Bonaparte decided to rid himself of a man who had too much power to be desirable as a subordinate.
As a military commander despatched by the Jacobins to enforce their new laws, Fouché led a particularly zealous campaign of dechristianisation.
Fouché and Royalists
This far more serious attempt ( in which conspirators exploded a bomb near the First Consul's carriage with results disastrous to the bystanders ) was soon seen by Fouché as the work of Royalists.
Fouché and who
Napoleon made him Minister of the Interior under the Consulate, which enabled Lucien to falsify the results of the plebiscite but which brought him into competition with Joseph Fouché, the chief of police, who showed Napoleon a subversive pamphlet that was probably written by Lucien, and effected a breach between the brothers.
However, he failed to reach any agreement with the French leader, who regarded Kościuszko as a " fool " who " overestimated his influence " in Poland ( letter from Napoleon to Fouché, 1807 ).
In this extremity, < span lang =" fr "> Sieyès </ span > chose as minister of police the old Terrorist < span lang =" fr "> Joseph Fouché </ span >, who best understood how to deal with his brethren.
Perhaps at the urging of < span lang =" fr "> Talleyrand </ span >, Napoleon's foreign minister, and < span lang =" fr "> Fouché, Napoleon </ span >' s minister of police who had warned that " the air is full of daggers ", the First Consul came to the political conclusion that the Duke must be dealt with.
Alas, Fouché's enthusiasm had proved a little too effective, for when the blood from the mass executions in the center of Lyons gushed from severed heads and bodies into the streets, drenching the gutters of the Rue Lafont, the vile-smelling red flow nauseated the local residents, who irately complained to Fouché and demanded payment for damages.
In Pierre François Charles Augereau's anti-Royalist coup d ' état of Fructidor 1797, Fouché offered his services to Barras, who in 1798 appointed him French ambassador to the Cisalpine Republic.
Knowing the unpopularity of the Directors, Fouché joined Bonaparte and Sieyès, who were plotting the Directory's overthrow.
However, Napoleon never completely disgraced a man who might again be useful, and Fouché received the governorship of the Rome département.
Famous ( or rather infamous ), is the conversation between Fouché and ( also proscribed ) Lazare Carnot, who had been interior minister during the hundred days ' period:
The last Governor-General was Joseph Fouché, who was appointed in July 1813 and held his post for only one month.
They had a son, Dr. Jacobus Johannes (' Bux ') Fouché, who married Cornelia Jacoba Redelinghuys (' Coreen ') Louw.
His career is of particular interest because he was among political figures such as Joseph Fouché who at first aggressively supported the Terror, only to betray its leaders ( including Maximilien Robespierre ) and support the various conservative reactionary régimes that followed.
Fouché and were
When it became evident, in mid-July 1794, that Robespierre and Saint-Just were planning to strike against their political opponents Joseph Fouché, Jean-Lambert Tallien, and Marc-Guillaume Alexis Vadier – the latter two were members of the Committee of General Security – the fragile truce within the government was dissolved.
His police agents were ubiquitous, and the terror which Napoleon and Fouché inspired partly accounts for the absence of conspiracies after 1804.
While engaged in the campaign of Spain, the emperor heard rumours that Fouché and Charles Maurice de Talleyrand, once bitter enemies, were having meetings in Paris during which Joachim Murat, King of Naples, had been approached.
The Marquis de Lafayette and Louis Nicolas Davout were involved in the issuer, but their refusal to take the course desired by Fouché and others led to nothing being done.
And again, Fouché's services were necessary: as Talleyrand, another notorious intrigant, became the prime minister of the Kingdom of France, Fouché was named his minister of police: so he was a minister of King Louis XVIII, the brother of Louis XVI.
** The Fouché Memoirs ( not genuine, but they were apparently compiled, at least in part, from notes written by Fouché )
Two Baby Holt tractors, property of the French State, were during two weeks in February in an army workshop combined into a single elongated vehicle by Lieutenant Fouché, assisted by a small team of mechanics.
The Chamber voted oppressive laws, sentencing to death Marshal Ney and general la Bédoyère, while 250 people were given prison sentences and some others exiled ( Joseph Fouché, Lazare Carnot, Cambacérès ).
Fouché and influential
Talleyrand was again influential in seeing that the Bourbons reigned, as was Fouché, Napoleon's minister of police during the Hundred Days.
Fouché and government
On 25 June he received from Fouché, the president of the newly appointed provisional government ( and Napoleon's former police chief ), an intimation that he must leave Paris.
With the abdication of Napoleon the provisional government led by Fouché appointed Davout, Napoleon ’ s minister of war, as General in Chief.
In the ensuing Directory government ( 1795 – 1799 ), Fouché remained at first in obscurity, but the relations he had with the far left, once headed by Chaumette and now by François-Noël Babeuf, helped him to rise once more.
After Napoléon's ultimate defeat ( Battle of Waterloo ), Fouché again started plotting against his master and joined the opposition of the parliament ( after the defeat of Waterloo ) and headed the provisional government and tried to negotiate with the allies.
Fouché and so
" Fouché, claiming that " Terror, salutary terror, is now the order of the day here .... We are causing much impure blood to flow, but it is our duty to do so, it is for humanity's sake ," called for the execution of 1, 905 citizens.
Talleyrand certainly did so in the sphere of diplomacy ; Fouché may occasionally have done so in the sphere of intrigue.
" Memlik is so taken with the comparison that he orders a bust of Fouché from France, which then sits in his reception room gathering dust.
" Fouché went so far as to declare a new civic religion of his own, virtually interchangeable with what would become known as the Cult of Reason, at a ceremony he dubbed the " Feast of Brutus " on 22 September 1793.
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