Franjo Tuđman's Croatian Democratic Union ( HDZ ) won by a relatively slim margin against Ivica Račan's reformed communist Party of Democratic Change ( SDP ).

In the same year, the first multi-party elections were held in Croatia, with Franjo Tuđman's win raising nationalist tensions further.

Mesić stated that this decision was motivated by his disagreement with Croatia's policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina at the time, specifically Franjo Tuđman's alleged agreement with Slobodan Milošević in the Karađorđevo to carve up Bosnia and Herzegovina between Croatia and Serbia and the subsequent launch of the Croat-Bosniak war.

He heavily criticized former President Franjo Tuđman's policies as nationalistic and authoritarian, lacking a free media and employing bad economics, while Mesić favored a more liberal approach to opening the Croatian economy to foreign investment.

In such circumstances, Račan was more concerned with the survival of his party rather than challenging Franjo Tuđman's rule, even if it meant tolerating some of Tuđman's more controversial policies, like the nationalisation of workers ' owned enterprises, privatisation or various human rights abuses.

Among them, the Croatian Franjo Tuđman's Croatian Democratic Union ( HDZ ) was the most prominent.

The policies of the Republic of Croatia and its leader Franjo Tuđman towards Bosnia and Herzegovina were never totally transparent and always included Franjo Tuđman's ultimate aim of expanding Croatia's borders.

Following the end of the war, Franjo Tuđman's government started to lose popularity as it was criticized ( among other things ) for its involvement in suspicious privatization deals of the early 1990s.

When pluralism took over in Croatia and rest of Yugoslavia in 1989, Đapić first joined Franjo Tuđman's Croatian Democratic Union ( HDZ ).

Feral was among the first Croatian newspapers to openly report on various topics that the state-controlled newspapers would not report on including war crimes perpetrated by Croatian soldiers, the Croatian army's involvement in the war in Bosnia, Franjo Tuđman's opinions of the Ustaše in the context of generic Croatian nationalism, the Herzegovina profiteer lobby, connections between the government and the Catholic Church, etc.

The policies of Croatia and Franjo Tuđman towards Bosnia and Herzegovina were never totally transparent and always included Tuđman's aim of expanding Croatia's borders.

In 1993 their unofficial champion Josip Manolić, former right-hand man of President Franjo Tuđman, was becoming demoted and increasingly marginalised, while Gojko Šušak, powerful defence minister and leader of hardline nationalist faction, was winning Tuđman's favour.

It is believed that the trend started in 2009 with Borislav Škegro and Zlatko Canjuga-two unpopular figures in the former Franjo Tuđman's government-outclassing Stanković during the debates.

Because of his conflict with the advocates of the division of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Franjo Tuđman's yes-men, he abandoned the holding of all political and military posts and leaves, with the aid of the EEC watchgroup into exile in Belgium, where he lives today, in the conviction that Tuđman worked on the conquest of Bosnia and Herzegovina, that he is guilty for the Croatian-Bosnian war, that he robbed Croatia and has divided her property among his yes-men, and also that he is the inspirer, and thereby also the evil doer of the murders of HOS generals Blaž Kraljević and Ante Paradžik.

Adding to the general confusion, Izetbegović's former colleague Fikret Abdić established an Autonomous Province of Western Bosnia in parts of Cazin and Velika Kladuša municipalities in opposition to the Sarajevo government and in cooperation with Slobodan Milošević and Franjo Tuđman.

Croatia formed a national unity government in 1991 under prime minister Franjo Gregurić in response to the outbreak of the Croatian War of Independence.

However, its position was strong enough to warrant ministerial posts in the national unity government of Franjo Gregurić which was in power from July 1991 to August 1992.

The January 2000 election win and the defeat of the ruling HDZ was seen as a turning point as it marked the first transition of power in Croatia's young democracy and upon coming into power Račan's government was seen as the country's first staunchly pro-Western government following a decade of the " authoritarian and nationalist rule " of late President Franjo Tuđman.

Following the Karadjordjevo meeting with Slobodan Milošević held on 30 March 1991, Croatian President Franjo Tuđman stated in a televised press-conference that during the March 9th events, Drašković's associates had phoned his government in order to " seek help in toppling the current Serbian regime ".

Although the SDS won relatively few seats in 1990 elections, it quickly began to increase its power and Rašković was soon perceived as a leader of Croatian Serbs by Franjo Tuđman and his new government.

However, Croatian government of Franjo Tudjman and his Croatian Democratic Union party hoped to exploit national euphoria over the success of Operation Storm.

After the first democratic elections in Croatia, he joined the government of Franjo Tuđman and became head of his personal office.

Like all parties of that bloc, it fared badly, but one year later it had ministerial post in the " National Unity " government of Franjo Gregurić.

When the war escalated in Summer of 1991, HDS was nevertheless admitted into the " National Unity " government of Franjo Gregurić.

Budiša, who tried to woo followers of Franjo Tuđman during the second round, was embittered by this defeat and this led to his party turning increasingly right-wing and later squabbles with his government coalition partners.

Novi list had the distinction of being the only Croatian daily newspaper to keep critical distance towards the government of Franjo Tuđman during 1990s.

The SNS, on the other hand, never criticised the government of Franjo Tuđman.

Because of that, Tomac became deputy prime minister in the wartime " National Unity " government of Franjo Gregurić, thus becoming one of the first top Communist officials in Eastern Europe to return to top executive post after the fall of Berlin Wall.

Although he lacked any formal party or political affiliation, in 1991 he became foreign minister in the " National Government " government of Franjo Gregurić.

This state of affairs became intolerable for Franjo Tuđman and his government.

During first years of democracy and Croatian independence Ivančić and Feral Tribune came into conflict with the government of Franjo Tuđman and his Croatian Democratic Union party.

Latinica started on HRT, but was briefly aired on Mreža, first private Croatian TV network in 1997 and 1998, owned by Miroslav Kutle and other businessmen close to the regime of Franjo Tuđman.

As Yugoslavia began to break up, Serbia's President Slobodan Milošević and Croatia's President Franjo Tuđman started to pursue nationalist politics.

In June 1989 the Croatian Democratic Union ( HDZ ) was founded by Croatian nationalist dissidents led by Franjo Tuđman a former fighter in Tito's Partisan movement and JNA General.

Josip was born as the seventh child of Franjo and Marija Broz in the village of Kumrovec in Croatia.

He was the seventh child of Franjo and Marija Broz.

His father, Franjo Broz ( 26 November 1860 – 16 December 1936, Zagreb, buried at Mirogoj ), was a Croat, while his mother Marija ( born Javeršek, 25 March 1864, Loka pri Podsredi – 14 January 1918, Kupinec ), was a Slovene.

Bildt is or has been considered persona non grata in several countries for remarks he has made against various governments, including Croatia, where he " lost the credibility necessary for the role of a peace mediator " by suggesting that the former President of Croatia, Franjo Tuđman, was as guilty of war crimes as the Krajina Serb leader Milan Martić.

According to general Stjepan Šiber, the highest ranking ethnic Croat in Bosnian Army, the key role in foreign volunteers arrival was played by Franjo Tuđman and Croatian counter-intelligence underground with the aim to justify involvement of Croatia in Bosnian War and mass crimes committed by Croat forces.

The Office of the President was created by a presidential decree by Franjo Tuđman on 19 January 1991.

The result was a victory for Franjo Tuđman of the Croatian Democratic Union ( HDZ ), who received 57. 8 % of the vote.

The result was a victory for Franjo Tuđman of the Croatian Democratic Union ( HDZ ), who received 61. 4 % of the vote.

Franjo Gregurić was the first prime minister of Croatia after the secession from Yugoslavia.

At the end of 1980s, as a multi-party system was returning to Yugoslavia, he founded the first branch of the Croatian Democratic Union ( HDZ ) in Austria and at this time he first came into contact with Franjo Tuđman.

He returned to Split, persuaded by Franjo Tuđman, although his wife was against their return to Croatia as war was looming.

Načertanije was influenced by " Conseils sur la conduite a suivre par la Serbie ", a document written by Polish Prince Adam Czartoryski in 1843 and the revised version by Polish ambassador to Serbia, Franjo Zach, " Zach's Plan ".

Similar to Žganec's work was that of Franjo Kuhač, another man who devoted his life to research on the national cultural heritage.

Croatia's moves towards independence following the election of the President Franjo Tuđman were strongly opposed to the partitioning of their country by their Serbian minority, which was supported both politically and militarily by the Yugoslav People's Army ( JNA ) and Serbia under President Slobodan Milošević.

The phenomenon of Bosnian medieval Christians has been attracting scholars ' attention for centuries, but it was not until the latter half of the 19th century that the most important monograph on the subject, " Bogomili i Patareni " ( Bogomils and Patarens ), 1870, by eminent Croatian historian Franjo Rački, had been published.