In evidence to the Moriarty Tribunal investigating Haughey's finances it was established that much of the money raised but not ultimately needed for the operation was redirected by Haughey into his own personal bank account.

She served as Charles Haughey's personal assistant, and became a family friend, taking holidays with his children.

The constituency lines were redrawn under the Electoral ( Amendment ) Act 1974 in an attempt to secure re-election for the sitting Fine Gael-Labour Party government in the 1977 election and Haughey represented Dublin Artane in 1977, this constituency was abolished in 1981 and most of Haughey's electoral area was moved into the reformed Dublin North – Central constituency which he served from 1981 until his retirement in 1992.

In 1983 a Fine Gael – Labour Party coalition government took office and its Minister for Justice, Michael Noonan, revealed that Haughey's government had been involved in the tapping of certain journalists ' telephones.

Haughey's second term was dominated by even more economic mismanagement, based on Haughey's policy of using government policy and money, in an effort to induce a sufficiently large share of the electorate to vote him his elusive ' overall majority ' in the national assembly.

A large number of TDs quickly grew disillusioned with Haughey's leadership and threw their support behind O ' Malley in an effort to oust the incumbent leader.

Mr Desmond also paid £ 75, 456 for the refurbishment of Mr Haughey's yacht, the Celtic Mist, between 1990 and 1991, at a time according to the Tribunal, that Mr Haughey earned between £ 69, 764 and £ 72, 354 a year as Taoiseach.

Mr Haughey's son Conor told the Tribunal in 1999 that he had learned money to refurbish the yacht had come from the bank account of Freezone Limited.

Further controversy surrounded O ' Connell's relationship with Charles Haughey in later years during the Moriarty Tribunal when it was revealed that O ' Connell was the conduit of moneys between Arab tycoon Mahmoud Fustok and Haughey, and it was further revealed that O ' Connell had invested a significant sum in Celtic Helicopters, the business venture of Haughey's son Ciaran.

Haughey's status by 1961 was such that Opposition Leader James Dillon complimented him lavishly on the floor of the Dáil, remarking on his opponent's " skill with which he has had recourse to his brief ," as well as his " extraordinary erudition " and " his exceptional and outstanding ability.

Haughey's attendance before the tribunals had repeatedly been disrupted by illness.

Haughey's Fianna Fáil had fought the election on promises to increase spending and government services, and by attacking the cutbacks favoured by Fine Gael.

Morgan pilloried Haughey's propensity for claiming a family connection to almost every part of Ireland he visited through the mocking use of a famous drinks advertisement for an Irish beer called Harp, which had played on the image of someone returning home and seeking friends, especially " Sally O ' Brien, and the way she might look at you ".

Four days after the ballot, on 11 December Haughey was elected Taoiseach by Dáil Éireann, however, he had to endure six hours of criticism from other TDs, including Fine Gael leader Garret FitzGerald who complained about Haughey's " flawed pedigree.

Not long after this, Haughey's government collapsed when the Workers ' Party TD's and Tony Gregory withdrew their support for the government over a Fianna Fáil policy document called " The Way Forward ," which would lead to massive spending cuts.

Haughey's wife, Maureen was also said to have been deeply hurt by the circumstances of the revelation.

Other significant prehistoric sites in the vicinity include Haughey's Fort, an earlier Bronze Age hill fort two-thirds of a mile ( 1 km ) to the west ; the King's Stables, an artificial pool also dating to the Bronze Age ; and Loughnashade, a natural lake which has produced Iron Age artefacts.

Colley demanded the same veto as before on Haughey's Defence and Justice appointments, but was refused.

Like his former constituency colleague Desmond O ' Malley, O ' Dea was opposed to Charles Haughey's leadership throughout the 1980s, becoming a member of the so-called Gang of 22.

Although cleared of wrong-doing, it looked as if Haughey's political career was finished.

His political career began with when he won a seat in the Kildare constituency at the 1977 general election which was a landslide for Charles Haughey's supporters in Fianna Fáil and he was re-elected at every subsequent election until he joined the Commission.

Other opponents of Haughey, such as Charlie McCreevy, would have to wait on the Fianna Fáil backbenches until the end of Haughey's political career in 1992 before being appointed as ministers.

Fianna Fáil regained office at the February 1982 general election but there was disquiet about Haughey's leadership and the failure to secure an overall majority.

In the Morgan skit version, Haughey's visits to somewhere in the world, from Dublin to Dubai and elsewhere, would invariably cue after a few seconds the traditional music of the real advertisement, at which Haughey would begin " did I tell you, P. J., about my cousins in.

A campaign now started that was extremely vicious on the side of Haughey's supporters, with threats made to the careers of those who dissented from the leadership.

Haughey's grip on political power began to slip in the autumn of 1991.

Moriarty found that this was " not coincidental ", and that it was a substantial benefit conferred on Dunne by Haughey's actions.

The revelation on the television programme shocked at least some of the audience, including Haughey's son, Seán, who was watching the show.

The failure to get the Fianna Fáil candidate, Brian Lenihan, elected as President of Ireland added to the pressure on Haughey's leadership.

This was a clear and open revolt on Haughey's leadership.

Aosdána was originally set up on the suggestion of writer Anthony Cronin, by Taoiseach Charles Haughey, well known for his support for the Arts, although Fintan O ' Toole has argued that this also served to deflect criticism of Haughey's political actions.

Colley remained as Tánaiste but demanded and received a veto on Haughey's ministerial appointments to the departments of Justice and Defence.

* IRISH EXAMINER columnist T. Ryle Dwyer in 1999 on the controversy of Haughey's alleged embezzlement of funds for Lenihan's liver transplant

In 1984 he received his first major promotion when he became Fianna Fáil Deputy spokesperson on Transport in Charles Haughey's front bench.

The actions that were taken by Haughey's government in this period certainly transformed the economy.

* In May 1989 one of Haughey's lifelong friends Brian Lenihan, a former government minister, underwent a liver transplant which was partly paid for through fundraising by Haughey.

When the Fianna Fáil government collapsed and were replaced by another coalition government after the November 1982 general election, a number of TDs expressed lack of confidence in Haughey's leadership once again.

In 1989, the Progressive Democrats entered into a coalition government with Haughey's Fianna Fáil party.

Many in Fianna Fáil were disgusted with what they saw as Haughey's betrayal of his old friend, and argued that the Progressive Democrats ' threat to bring down the government was a mere bluff.

He resigned his European Parliament seat when he was appointed Minister for Finance in Haughey's new government.

Brennan was one of the few ministers in Haughey's Cabinet who remained in Reynolds ' new government.

In Haughey's second government Fitzgerald returned to the position of Minister for Labour.

The minor party in Charles Haughey's government, the Progressive Democrats, threatened to quit government and cause a general election unless either Lenihan was sacked from cabinet or an inquiry was ordered into the events of January 1982.