Upon Lynch's election as Taoiseach, Haughey was appointed Minister for Finance by Lynch in a Cabinet reshuffle, which indicated that Haughey's withdrawal was a gain at the expense of Colley.

Haughey's second term was dominated by even more economic mismanagement, based on Haughey's policy of using government policy and money, in an effort to induce a sufficiently large share of the electorate to vote him his elusive ' overall majority ' in the national assembly.

The actions that were taken by Haughey's government in this period certainly transformed the economy.

* In May 1989 one of Haughey's lifelong friends Brian Lenihan, a former government minister, underwent a liver transplant which was partly paid for through fundraising by Haughey.

Moriarty found that this was " not coincidental ", and that it was a substantial benefit conferred on Dunne by Haughey's actions.

The tribunal rejected Haughey's claims of ignorance of his own financial affairs and Haughey was accused by the tribunal of " devaluing democracy ".

Haughey's wife, Maureen was also said to have been deeply hurt by the circumstances of the revelation.

Haughey's attendance before the tribunals had repeatedly been disrupted by illness.

When Lynch returned he was confronted openly by Síle de Valera, Dr Bill Loughnane, a noted hardline Republican backbencher, along with Tom McEllistrim, a member of Haughey's gang of five, at a parliamentary party meeting.

Aosdána was originally set up on the suggestion of writer Anthony Cronin, by Taoiseach Charles Haughey, well known for his support for the Arts, although Fintan O ' Toole has argued that this also served to deflect criticism of Haughey's political actions.

Haughey's Fianna Fáil had fought the election on promises to increase spending and government services, and by attacking the cutbacks favoured by Fine Gael.

When the Fianna Fáil government collapsed and were replaced by another coalition government after the November 1982 general election, a number of TDs expressed lack of confidence in Haughey's leadership once again.

In evidence to the Moriarty Tribunal investigating Haughey's finances it was established that much of the money raised but not ultimately needed for the operation was redirected by Haughey into his own personal bank account.

Collins was rewarded by being named Minister for Foreign Affairs in Haughey's second cabinet.

Desmond also loaned money to Feltrim plc, which was at the time managed by Charles Haughey's son, Conor Haughey.

* Management of Haughey's financial affairs by Des Treanor

Four days after the ballot, on 11 December Haughey was elected Taoiseach by Dáil Éireann, however, he had to endure six hours of criticism from other TDs, including Fine Gael leader Garret FitzGerald who complained about Haughey's " flawed pedigree.

Haughey's father was in the Irish Republican Army during the Irish War of Independence, then in the army of the Irish Free State.

The constituency lines were redrawn under the Electoral ( Amendment ) Act 1974 in an attempt to secure re-election for the sitting Fine Gael-Labour Party government in the 1977 election and Haughey represented Dublin Artane in 1977, this constituency was abolished in 1981 and most of Haughey's electoral area was moved into the reformed Dublin North – Central constituency which he served from 1981 until his retirement in 1992.

It was Haughey's first alienation of a significant voting block, and probably damaged him electorally in later years as many farmers remembered the events, known in folk memory as the ' Farmers Strike '.

Although cleared of wrong-doing, it looked as if Haughey's political career was finished.

A campaign now started that was extremely vicious on the side of Haughey's supporters, with threats made to the careers of those who dissented from the leadership.

Haughey's success was partly due to the death of the Fianna Fáil TD, Clement Coughlan, a supporter of O ' Malley.

Haughey's victory was short-lived, as a series of political errors would lead to his demise as Taoiseach.

The revelation on the television programme shocked at least some of the audience, including Haughey's son, Seán, who was watching the show.

The chief celebrant was Haughey's brother, Father Eoghan Haughey.

This was a clear and open revolt on Haughey's leadership.

Haughey's victory was short-lived, as a series of political errors would lead to his demise as Taoiseach.

As in Mr. Haughey's case, there was a substantial discounting or forbearance shown in Dr. Fitzgerald's case.

On the wings of such tales Haughey's reputation spread.

Eight members of Haughey's old cabinet, including such long-standing figures as Ray Burke, Mary O ' Rourke and Gerry Collins, were instantly dismissed.

Other opponents of Haughey, such as Charlie McCreevy, would have to wait on the Fianna Fáil backbenches until the end of Haughey's political career in 1992 before being appointed as ministers.

Haughey's supporters managed to have the meeting moved to the following week after the funeral, which gave him more time to manoeuver.

Desmond O ' Malley supported the Forum report and criticised Haughey's ambiguous position, accusing him of stifling debate.

Bertie Ahern, possibly one of Haughey's biggest supporters, remained as Minister for Finance due to his agreement with Reynolds not to challenge him for the leadership.

In 1986 Gibbons offered his support to Desmond O ' Malley and the new Progressive Democrats, as he believed that there was no longer a place for him within Haughey's Fianna Fáil party.

Haughey's grip on political power began to slip in the autumn of 1991.

Haughey's personal wealth and extravagant lifestyle – he owned racehorses, a large motor sailing yacht Celtic Mist, a private island, and a Gandon-designed mansion – had long been a point of curious speculation ; he had refused throughout his career to answer any questions about how he financed this lifestyle on a government salary.

The failure to get the Fianna Fáil candidate, Brian Lenihan, elected as President of Ireland added to the pressure on Haughey's leadership.

Colley remained as Tánaiste but demanded and received a veto on Haughey's ministerial appointments to the departments of Justice and Defence.

Colley demanded the same veto as before on Haughey's Defence and Justice appointments, but was refused.

Morgan pilloried Haughey's propensity for claiming a family connection to almost every part of Ireland he visited through the mocking use of a famous drinks advertisement for an Irish beer called Harp, which had played on the image of someone returning home and seeking friends, especially " Sally O ' Brien, and the way she might look at you ".

* IRISH EXAMINER columnist T. Ryle Dwyer in 1999 on the controversy of Haughey's alleged embezzlement of funds for Lenihan's liver transplant

In 1984 he received his first major promotion when he became Fianna Fáil Deputy spokesperson on Transport in Charles Haughey's front bench.