Haughey's father was in the Irish Republican Army during the Irish War of Independence, then in the army of the Irish Free State.

The constituency lines were redrawn under the Electoral ( Amendment ) Act 1974 in an attempt to secure re-election for the sitting Fine Gael-Labour Party government in the 1977 election and Haughey represented Dublin Artane in 1977, this constituency was abolished in 1981 and most of Haughey's electoral area was moved into the reformed Dublin North – Central constituency which he served from 1981 until his retirement in 1992.

Haughey's status by 1961 was such that Opposition Leader James Dillon complimented him lavishly on the floor of the Dáil, remarking on his opponent's " skill with which he has had recourse to his brief ," as well as his " extraordinary erudition " and " his exceptional and outstanding ability.

It was Haughey's first alienation of a significant voting block, and probably damaged him electorally in later years as many farmers remembered the events, known in folk memory as the ' Farmers Strike '.

Upon Lynch's election as Taoiseach, Haughey was appointed Minister for Finance by Lynch in a Cabinet reshuffle, which indicated that Haughey's withdrawal was a gain at the expense of Colley.

Although cleared of wrong-doing, it looked as if Haughey's political career was finished.

Haughey's second term was dominated by even more economic mismanagement, based on Haughey's policy of using government policy and money, in an effort to induce a sufficiently large share of the electorate to vote him his elusive ' overall majority ' in the national assembly.

A campaign now started that was extremely vicious on the side of Haughey's supporters, with threats made to the careers of those who dissented from the leadership.

Haughey's victory was short-lived, as a series of political errors would lead to his demise as Taoiseach.

* In May 1989 one of Haughey's lifelong friends Brian Lenihan, a former government minister, underwent a liver transplant which was partly paid for through fundraising by Haughey.

Moriarty found that this was " not coincidental ", and that it was a substantial benefit conferred on Dunne by Haughey's actions.

The tribunal rejected Haughey's claims of ignorance of his own financial affairs and Haughey was accused by the tribunal of " devaluing democracy ".

The revelation on the television programme shocked at least some of the audience, including Haughey's son, Seán, who was watching the show.

Haughey's wife, Maureen was also said to have been deeply hurt by the circumstances of the revelation.

The chief celebrant was Haughey's brother, Father Eoghan Haughey.

When Lynch returned he was confronted openly by Síle de Valera, Dr Bill Loughnane, a noted hardline Republican backbencher, along with Tom McEllistrim, a member of Haughey's gang of five, at a parliamentary party meeting.

This was a clear and open revolt on Haughey's leadership.

Haughey's victory was short-lived, as a series of political errors would lead to his demise as Taoiseach.

As in Mr. Haughey's case, there was a substantial discounting or forbearance shown in Dr. Fitzgerald's case.

Aosdána was originally set up on the suggestion of writer Anthony Cronin, by Taoiseach Charles Haughey, well known for his support for the Arts, although Fintan O ' Toole has argued that this also served to deflect criticism of Haughey's political actions.

Bertie Ahern, possibly one of Haughey's biggest supporters, remained as Minister for Finance due to his agreement with Reynolds not to challenge him for the leadership.

Not long after this, Haughey's government collapsed when the Workers ' Party TD's and Tony Gregory withdrew their support for the government over a Fianna Fáil policy document called " The Way Forward ," which would lead to massive spending cuts.

The failure to get the Fianna Fáil candidate, Brian Lenihan, elected as President of Ireland added to the pressure on Haughey's leadership.

Famous meetings of the Fianna Fáil Parliamentary Party in the 1980s that debated Charles Haughey's position as leader, took place in the party's fourth floor offices ( lower floor in the view ).

Haughey's Fianna Fáil had fought the election on promises to increase spending and government services, and by attacking the cutbacks favoured by Fine Gael.

Fianna Fáil regained office at the February 1982 general election but there was disquiet about Haughey's leadership and the failure to secure an overall majority.

When the Fianna Fáil government collapsed and were replaced by another coalition government after the November 1982 general election, a number of TDs expressed lack of confidence in Haughey's leadership once again.

In 1989, the Progressive Democrats entered into a coalition government with Haughey's Fianna Fáil party.

Many in Fianna Fáil were disgusted with what they saw as Haughey's betrayal of his old friend, and argued that the Progressive Democrats ' threat to bring down the government was a mere bluff.

His political career began with when he won a seat in the Kildare constituency at the 1977 general election which was a landslide for Charles Haughey's supporters in Fianna Fáil and he was re-elected at every subsequent election until he joined the Commission.

During this time he came to be identified as Haughey's heir apparent as Taoiseach and Fianna Fáil leader.

In 1987 Haughey's Fianna Fáil party were returned to office and Brennan was appointed Minister of State with responsibility for Trade and Marketing.

In the 1980s, Walsh was one of the Gang of 22 who opposed Charles Haughey's leadership of Fianna Fáil.

Following his dismissal from cabinet, Gibbons became a vocal critic of Haughey's leadership of Fianna Fáil.

In 1986 Gibbons offered his support to Desmond O ' Malley and the new Progressive Democrats, as he believed that there was no longer a place for him within Haughey's Fianna Fáil party.

In 1984 he received his first major promotion when he became Fianna Fáil Deputy spokesperson on Transport in Charles Haughey's front bench.

Other opponents of Haughey, such as Charlie McCreevy, would have to wait on the Fianna Fáil backbenches until the end of Haughey's political career in 1992 before being appointed as ministers.

Maureen Haughey's brother Noel Lemass, Jnr also served as a Fianna Fáil Teachta Dála ( TD ), while her sister-in-law, Eileen Lemass, also served as a member of Dáil Éireann.

* November 6-Kildare TD Seán Power proposes a no-confidence motion in Charles Haughey's leadership.

Desmond O ' Malley supported the Forum report and criticised Haughey's ambiguous position, accusing him of stifling debate.

Eight members of Haughey's old cabinet, including such long-standing figures as Ray Burke, Mary O ' Rourke and Gerry Collins, were instantly dismissed.

A large number of TDs quickly grew disillusioned with Haughey's leadership and threw their support behind O ' Malley in an effort to oust the incumbent leader.

Morgan pilloried Haughey's propensity for claiming a family connection to almost every part of Ireland he visited through the mocking use of a famous drinks advertisement for an Irish beer called Harp, which had played on the image of someone returning home and seeking friends, especially " Sally O ' Brien, and the way she might look at you ".

Further controversy surrounded O ' Connell's relationship with Charles Haughey in later years during the Moriarty Tribunal when it was revealed that O ' Connell was the conduit of moneys between Arab tycoon Mahmoud Fustok and Haughey, and it was further revealed that O ' Connell had invested a significant sum in Celtic Helicopters, the business venture of Haughey's son Ciaran.

Like his former constituency colleague Desmond O ' Malley, O ' Dea was opposed to Charles Haughey's leadership throughout the 1980s, becoming a member of the so-called Gang of 22.