A campaign now started that was extremely vicious on the side of Haughey's supporters, with threats made to the careers of those who dissented from the leadership.

Bertie Ahern, possibly one of Haughey's biggest supporters, remained as Minister for Finance due to his agreement with Reynolds not to challenge him for the leadership.

His political career began with when he won a seat in the Kildare constituency at the 1977 general election which was a landslide for Charles Haughey's supporters in Fianna Fáil and he was re-elected at every subsequent election until he joined the Commission.

Desmond also loaned money to Feltrim plc, which was at the time managed by Charles Haughey's son, Conor Haughey.

Haughey's wife, Maureen was also said to have been deeply hurt by the circumstances of the revelation.

Other opponents of Haughey, such as Charlie McCreevy, would have to wait on the Fianna Fáil backbenches until the end of Haughey's political career in 1992 before being appointed as ministers.

When Lynch returned he was confronted openly by Síle de Valera, Dr Bill Loughnane, a noted hardline Republican backbencher, along with Tom McEllistrim, a member of Haughey's gang of five, at a parliamentary party meeting.

The constituency lines were redrawn under the Electoral ( Amendment ) Act 1974 in an attempt to secure re-election for the sitting Fine Gael-Labour Party government in the 1977 election and Haughey represented Dublin Artane in 1977, this constituency was abolished in 1981 and most of Haughey's electoral area was moved into the reformed Dublin North – Central constituency which he served from 1981 until his retirement in 1992.

Not long after this, Haughey's government collapsed when the Workers ' Party TD's and Tony Gregory withdrew their support for the government over a Fianna Fáil policy document called " The Way Forward ," which would lead to massive spending cuts.

When the Fianna Fáil government collapsed and were replaced by another coalition government after the November 1982 general election, a number of TDs expressed lack of confidence in Haughey's leadership once again.

In the Morgan skit version, Haughey's visits to somewhere in the world, from Dublin to Dubai and elsewhere, would invariably cue after a few seconds the traditional music of the real advertisement, at which Haughey would begin " did I tell you, P. J., about my cousins in.

Four days after the ballot, on 11 December Haughey was elected Taoiseach by Dáil Éireann, however, he had to endure six hours of criticism from other TDs, including Fine Gael leader Garret FitzGerald who complained about Haughey's " flawed pedigree.

Haughey's status by 1961 was such that Opposition Leader James Dillon complimented him lavishly on the floor of the Dáil, remarking on his opponent's " skill with which he has had recourse to his brief ," as well as his " extraordinary erudition " and " his exceptional and outstanding ability.

Upon Lynch's election as Taoiseach, Haughey was appointed Minister for Finance by Lynch in a Cabinet reshuffle, which indicated that Haughey's withdrawal was a gain at the expense of Colley.

* In May 1989 one of Haughey's lifelong friends Brian Lenihan, a former government minister, underwent a liver transplant which was partly paid for through fundraising by Haughey.

Morgan pilloried Haughey's propensity for claiming a family connection to almost every part of Ireland he visited through the mocking use of a famous drinks advertisement for an Irish beer called Harp, which had played on the image of someone returning home and seeking friends, especially " Sally O ' Brien, and the way she might look at you ".

In 1979, Doherty was a key member of the so-called " gang of five " which supported Charles Haughey's attempt to take over the leadership of the party.

Other significant prehistoric sites in the vicinity include Haughey's Fort, an earlier Bronze Age hill fort two-thirds of a mile ( 1 km ) to the west ; the King's Stables, an artificial pool also dating to the Bronze Age ; and Loughnashade, a natural lake which has produced Iron Age artefacts.

It was Haughey's first alienation of a significant voting block, and probably damaged him electorally in later years as many farmers remembered the events, known in folk memory as the ' Farmers Strike '.

Haughey's second term was dominated by even more economic mismanagement, based on Haughey's policy of using government policy and money, in an effort to induce a sufficiently large share of the electorate to vote him his elusive ' overall majority ' in the national assembly.

Desmond O ' Malley supported the Forum report and criticised Haughey's ambiguous position, accusing him of stifling debate.

In 1986 Gibbons offered his support to Desmond O ' Malley and the new Progressive Democrats, as he believed that there was no longer a place for him within Haughey's Fianna Fáil party.

Haughey's leadership came under scrutiny for a third time when a report linked Haughey with the phone tapping of political journalists.

Agriculture was viewed as a key portfolio in Haughey's new cabinet and MacSharry was regarded as an effective minister at a time when farm prices were falling.

During this time he came to be identified as Haughey's heir apparent as Taoiseach and Fianna Fáil leader.

Mr Desmond also paid £ 75, 456 for the refurbishment of Mr Haughey's yacht, the Celtic Mist, between 1990 and 1991, at a time according to the Tribunal, that Mr Haughey earned between £ 69, 764 and £ 72, 354 a year as Taoiseach.

Haughey's father was in the Irish Republican Army during the Irish War of Independence, then in the army of the Irish Free State.

Haughey's first attempt at election to the Dáil came in June 1951, when he unsuccessfully contested the general election.

On the wings of such tales Haughey's reputation spread.

However the print media, both nationally and locally ignored Haughey's suggestion.

De Valera's minister for Foreign Affairs and lifelong political confidant Frank Aiken also dismissed Haughey's political motives as being entirely selfish, and being motivated to hold power for its own sake and not duty.

This increased Haughey's populist appeal, and his support from certain elements in the media and artistic community.

Although cleared of wrong-doing, it looked as if Haughey's political career was finished.

The Stardust Disaster, a fire destroyed a night club in Haughey's constituency and claimed the lives of 48 young people caused Haughey to delay the Ard Fheis and the election.

In the hope of winning an overall Dáil majority Haughey's campaign took a populist line with regard to taxation, spending and Northern Ireland.

Some of Haughey's critics in the party suggested that an alternative candidate should stand as the party's nominee for Taoiseach.

Haughey's success was partly due to the death of the Fianna Fáil TD, Clement Coughlan, a supporter of O ' Malley.

When it came to electing a Taoiseach in the Dáil Haughey's position looked particularly volatile.

The actions that were taken by Haughey's government in this period certainly transformed the economy.

This damaged Haughey's standing in the organisation.

Haughey's grip on political power began to slip in the autumn of 1991.