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Hayek and stated
Hayek was defended by Professor Antony Flew who stated that the German Social Democrats, unlike the British Labour Party, had, since the late 1950s, abandoned public ownership of the means of production, distribution and exchange and had instead embraced the social market economy.
In a letter to Hayek in 1944, Popper stated, " I think I have learnt more from you than from any other living thinker, except perhaps Alfred Tarski.
In 1975, Hayek admitted that he made a mistake in the 1930s in not opposing the Central Bank's deflationary policy and stated the reason why he had been ambivalent: " At that time I believed that a process of deflation of some short duration might break the rigidity of wages which I thought was incompatible with a functioning economy .< ref > White, Clash of Economic Ideas, p. 94.
In his 1994 " autobiographical dialog " Friedrich Hayek stated " I have always said that I am in favor of a minimum income for every person in the country.

Hayek and if
Through analysis of this and other of Hayek's works, Block purports, " in making the case against socialism, Hayek was led into making all sort of compromises with what otherwise appeared to be his own philosophical perspective – so much so, that if a system was erected on the basis of them, it would not differ too sharply from what this author explicitly opposed.
Hayek claimed that a limited democracy might be better than other forms of limited government at protecting liberty but that an unlimited democracy was worse than other forms of unlimited government because " its government loses the power even to do what it thinks right if any group on which its majority depends thinks otherwise ".
" As referenced above in the section on " The economic calculation problem ", Hayek wrote that " there is no reason why ... the state should not help to organize a comprehensive system of social insurance ...." Summarizing on this topic, Wapshott writes " advocated mandatory universal health care and unemployment insurance, enforced, if not directly provided, by the state.
Similarly, Hayek and others from the Austrian school of economics argue that if governments intervene through monetary policy to lower interest rates this will exacerbate unemployment by preventing the market from responding effectively.
This problem of information flow implied that a decentralised system, in which information travelled freely and was freely determined at each localised point ( Hayek called this catallaxy ), would be much better than a central authority trying to do the same, even if it was completely efficient and was motivated to act in the public good.
In his review ( collected in The Present as History, 1953 ) Marxist Paul Sweezy joked that Hayek would have you believe that if there was an over-production of baby carriages, the central planners would then order the population to have more babies instead of simply warehousing the temporary excess of carriages and decreasing production for next year.
Further, Whitman argues ( explicitly against Hayek ) that " a free market situation is probably also doomed to failure if there exist control persons who are not subject to external disciplines imposed by various forces over and above competition.
Hayek and later Austrian School economists agree that if a population saves more money, total revenues for companies will decline, but they deny the assertion that lower revenues lead to lower economic growth.
Economists such as Milton Friedman, Friedrich Hayek and Brink Lindsey argue that if the market is eliminated along with property, prices, and wages, then the mode of information transmission is eliminated and what will result is a highly inefficient system for transmitting the value, supply, demand, of goods, services, resources, along with an elimination of the most efficient mode of market transactions.

Hayek and Conservative
In 1978, Hayek came into conflict with the Liberal Party leader, David Steel, who claimed that liberty was possible only with " social justice and an equitable distribution of wealth and power, which in turn require a degree of active government intervention " and that the Conservative Party were more concerned with the connection between liberty and private enterprise than between liberty and democracy.
Hayek wrote an essay, " Why I Am Not a Conservative " ( included as an appendix to The Constitution of Liberty ), in which he disparaged conservatism for its inability to adapt to changing human realities or to offer a positive political program, remarking, " Conservatism is only as good as what it conserves ".
In Why F A Hayek is a Conservative, British policy analyst Madsen Pirie believes Hayek mistakes the nature of the conservative outlook.
In 1981, President Ronald Reagan in his speech before the Conservative Political Action Conference ( or " CPAC ") named Hazlitt as one of the " ntellectual leaders " ( along with Hayek, Mises, Friedman, Russell Kirk, James Burnham and Frank Meyer ) who had " shaped so much of our thoughts ..."
* Why I Am Not a Conservative is an essay by Austrian school economist Friedrich Hayek, published in 1960.
The Institute has attracted some well-known individuals to its ranks, including founding member Friedrich Hayek and politicians such as former Reform Party of Canada leader Preston Manning, former Progressive Conservative Ontario premier Mike Harris, former Progressive Conservative Alberta premier Ralph Klein, and former Liberal Newfoundland & Labrador premier Brian Tobin.
in 1985 for a thesis on “ Hayek ’ s Conservative Liberalism ”.

Hayek and leader
" The Labour leader Clement Attlee responded in his election broadcast by claiming that what Churchill had said was the " second-hand version of the academic views of an Austrian professor, Friedrich August von Hayek.

Hayek and had
Hayek saw the British philosophers Bernard Mandeville, David Hume, Adam Smith, Adam Ferguson, Josiah Tucker, Edmund Burke and William Paley as representative of a tradition that articulated beliefs in empiricism, the common law, and in traditions and institutions which had spontaneously evolved but were imperfectly understood.
Hayek served in World War I and said that his experience in the war and his desire to help avoid the mistakes that had led to the war led him to his career.
Although Hayek only met Wittgenstein on a few occasions, Hayek said that Wittgenstein's philosophy and methods of analysis had a profound influence on his own life and thought.
After Wittgenstein's death, Hayek had intended to write a biography of Wittgenstein and worked on collecting family materials, and he later assisted biographers of Wittgenstein.
Hayek then decided to pursue an academic career, determined to help avoid the mistakes that had led to the war.
Hayek presented his work to the private seminar he had created with Herbert Furth called the Geistkreis.
Hayek was disappointed that the book did not receive the same enthusiastic general reception as The Road to Serfdom had sixteen years before.
< p > There is no figure who had more of an influence, no person had more of an influence on the intellectuals behind the Iron Curtain than Friedrich Hayek.
< p > The most interesting among the courageous dissenters of the 1980s were the classical liberals, disciples of F. A. Hayek, from whom they had learned about the crucial importance of economic freedom and about the often-ignored conceptual difference between liberalism and democracy .</ p >
" Hayek had hoped to receive a baronetcy, and after he was awarded the CH he sent a letter to his friends requesting that he be called the English version of Friedrich ( Frederick ) from now on.
When, later that evening, Hayek was dropped off at the Reform Club, he commented: " I've just had the happiest day of my life.
Hayek continued his research on monetary and capital theory, revising his theories of the relations between credit cycles and capital structure in Profits, Interest and Investment ( 1939 ) and The Pure Theory of Capital ( 1941 ), but his reputation as an economic theorist had by then fallen so much that those works were largely ignored, except for scathing critiques by Nicholas Kaldor.
Hayek never produced the book-length treatment of " the dynamics of capital " that he had promised in the Pure Theory of Capital.
Hayek, of course, had lived his early life under the mostly liberal, but mostly non-democratic, rule of the Austro-Hungarian Emperor, and Hayek had seen democracy descend into illiberal tyranny in a host of Central and Eastern European countries.
Hayek had a long-standing and close friendship with philosopher of science Karl Popper, also from Vienna.
Hayek identified himself as a classical liberal but noted that in the United States it had become almost impossible to use " liberal " in its original definition, and the term " libertarian " has been used instead.
* The Cato Institute named its lower level auditorium after Hayek, who had been a Distinguished Senior Fellow at Cato during his later years.

Hayek and said
Hayek said about his experience: " The decisive influence was really World War I.
' This ', she said sternly, ' is what we believe ', and banged Hayek down on the table ".
Writing to The Times, Hayek said, " May one who has devoted a large part of his life to the study of the history and the principles of liberalism point out that a party that keeps a socialist government in power has lost all title to the name ' Liberal '.
Hayek said a year later that he was " amazed by her.
Asked about the liberal, non-democratic rule by a Chilean interviewer, Hayek is translated from German to Spanish to English as having said, " As long term institutions, I am totally against dictatorships.
For his part, Hayek dedicated a collection of papers, Studies in Philosophy, Politics, and Economics, to Popper and, in 1982, said that " ever since his Logik der Forschung first came out in 1934, I have been a complete adherent to his general theory of methodology.
Randy Cordova of the Arizona Republic said the film " sports " Cruz and her co-star Salma Hayek as the " lusty dream team " and that they were the " marketing fantasy " for the film.
Writing in 1944, the liberal Austrian economist Friedrich Hayek said of the change in political attitudes that had occurred since the Great War: " Perhaps nothing shows this change more clearly than that, while there is no lack of sympathetic treatment of Bismarck in contemporary English literature, the name of Gladstone is rarely mentioned by the younger generation without a sneer over his Victorian morality and naive utopianism ".
Friedrich Hayek said: " Perhaps the government of Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman ... should be regarded as the last Liberal government of the old type, while under his successor, H. H. Asquith, new experiments in social policy were undertaken which were only doubtfully compatible with the older Liberal principles ".
Hayek himself praised the work, as did fellow Nobel Prize laureate Milton Friedman, who said that Hazlitt's description of the price system, for example, was " a true classic: timeless, correct, painlessly instructive.

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