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Hildebrand is pleased that Nolte denies the singularity of the Nazi atrocities ” Hans Mommsen defended Habermas against Hildebrand by writing :“ Hildebrand ’ s partisan shots can be easily deflected ; that Habermas is accused of a “ loss of reality and Manichaeanism ”, and that his honesty is denied is witness to the self-consciousness of a self-nominated historian elite, which has set itself the task of tracing the outlines of the seeming badly needed image of history ” Writing of Hildebrand's support for Nolte, Mommsen declared that: “ Hildebrand ’ s polemic clearly suggests that he barely considered the consequences of making Nolte ’ s constructs the centrepiece of a modern German conservatism that is very anxious to relativize the National Socialist experience and to find the way back to a putative historically “ normal situation ” In another essay, Mommsen wrote that Hildebrand was gulity of hypocrisy because Hildebrand had until 1986 always claimed that generic fascism was invalid concept because of the " singularity " of the Holocaust Mommsen wrote that " Klaus Hildebrand explicitly took sides with Nolte's view when he gave his previously stubbornly claimed singularity of National Socialism ( failing to appreciate that was, as is well known, the standard criticism of the comparative fascism theory )" Martin Broszat observed that when Hildebrand organized a conference of right-wing German historians under the auspices of the Schleyer Foundation in West Berlin in September 1986, he did not invite Nolte, whom Broszat observed lived in Berlin.
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Hildebrand and is
Gregory was born as Hildebrand in Sovana, in what is now southern Tuscany, central Italy.
* Downtown: Although it does not resemble a traditional downtown, the area around bounded by Abernathy Road to the north, I-285 to the south, and Sandy Springs Circle to the west, and Hildebrand Drive to the east is defined by the city and business groups as " Downtown Sandy Springs.
To Lanfranc's influence is attributed the desertion of Berengar's cause by Hildebrand and the more broad-minded of the cardinals.
Most scholars agree that the mound was either raised for a woman or for a young man and a woman, but as Hildebrand reburied most of the remains, a new excavation is to be undertaken before the controversy can be settled.
This classical scheme is still used in works where systematic overview is essential, e. g. Benton ( 1998 ), Hildebrand and Goslow ( 2001 ) and Knobill and Neill ( 2006 ).
Hildebrand promises to wage war against Gama if the Princess should fail to appear ( Now hearken to my strict command ), while Hilarion, who is in love with Ida, although he has not seen her since he was two years old, wonders how she may have changed over the ensuing twenty years ( Ida was a twelvemonth-old ).
Bond is on an assignment in the Seychelles Islands ; through Fidele Barbey, his influential and well-connected local contact, he meets an uncouth American millionaire named Milton Krest, who challenges the two to aid him in the search for a rare fish, The Hildebrand Rarity.
In " The Hildebrand Rarity ", Bond is also shown with a humanitarian side, with feelings for the plight of Liz at the hands of her husband and for the use of the poison on the fish by Milton Krest.
In " The Hildebrand Rarity " Milton Krest is of German descent and " Risico " sees both Enrico Colombo and Aristotle Kristatos as having fought for the British in the war.
Bond's approach to killing is also dissected in " For Your Eyes Only " whilst the morality of killing is a theme in " The Hildebrand Rarity ".
A prime example is Nicolaas Beets ( 1814 – 1903 ), who wrote large quantities of sermons and poetry under his own name but is chiefly remembered today for the humorous prose sketches of Dutch life in Camera Obscura ( 1839 ), which he wrote during his student days under the pseudonym of Hildebrand.
Frank Osbaldistone, the narrator, quarrels with his father and is sent to stay with an uncle, Sir Hildebrand Osbaldistone, in Northumberland.
He parts with Diana, thinking he is never to see her again, since she is destined to live in a convent due to a family compact in which she has no say, as a result of refusing to marry any of Sir Hildebrand ’ s sons.
But the Rebellion is quickly suppressed and after returning to London, Frank learns of the downfall and deaths of Sir Hildebrand and his older sons through extravagance and misfortune, and finds himself heir to Osbaldistone Manor.
Hildebrand is a character from Germanic legend.
Hildebrand is the modern German form of the name: in Old High German it is Hiltibrant and in Old Norse Hildibrandr.
In the Hildebrandslied, which is older, Hildebrand fights his own son Hadubrand.
Hadubrand says that he is " Hadubrand Hildebrand's son ", but he was told that Hildebrand died, and he thinks that the fighter before him is using Hildebrand's name to deceive him.
Hildebrand has to kill his son otherwise he would be killed by him ; he has pictures of all the warriors he killed on his red shield, and his son's picture is added to the others.
Hildebrand and Nolte
In the Historikerstreit ( Historians ' Dispute ) of 1986 to 1989, Kershaw followed Broszat in criticizing the work and views of Ernst Nolte, Andreas Hillgruber, Michael Stürmer, Joachim Fest and Klaus Hildebrand, all of whom Kershaw saw as German apologists attempting to white-wash the German past in various ways.
In the 1989 edition of The Nazi Dictatorship, Kershaw devoted an entire chapter towards rebutting the views of Nolte, Hillgruber, Fest, Hildebrand and Stürmer.
On the other side were the philosopher Ernst Nolte, the journalist Joachim Fest, and the historians Andreas Hillgruber, Klaus Hildebrand, Rainer Zitelmann, Hagen Schulze, and Michael Stürmer.
In Entsorgung der deutschen Vergangenheit ?, Wehler writing not only of the work of Nolte, but also of the work and intentionist theories about the Holocaust of Klaus Hildebrand, Andreas Hillgruber, Joachim Fest and Michael Stürmer, declared :" This survey is directed-among other matters-against the apologetic effect of the tendency of interpretations that once more blame Hitler alone for the ' Holocaust '- thereby exonerating the older power elites and the Army, the executive bureaucracy, and the judiciary ... and the silent majority who knew ".
Writing of Hildebrand's support for Nolte, Mommsen declared that: “ Hildebrand ’ s polemic clearly suggests that he barely considered the consequences of making Nolte ’ s constructs the centrepiece of a modern German conservatism that is very anxious to relativize the National Socialist experience and to find the way back to a putative historically “ normal situation ”.
Mommsen ended his essay that the historians like Nolte, Fest, Hildebrand, and Stürmer were tying to “ repress ” the memory of Nazi crimes.
At first, Hildebrand praised Nolte's 1986 article Vergangenheit, die nicht vergehen will (" The Past That Will Not Go Away ") and especially his 1985 essay " Between Myth and Revisionism " as " path-breaking ", but as the controversy caused by the Historikerstreit increased, Hildebrand increasingly wrote less and less in support of Nolte and more in the favour of his mentor Andreas Hillgruber.
In a 1986 review of Nolte's 1985 essay " Between Myth and Revisionism " in the Historische Zeitschrift journal, Hildebrand argued that Nolte had in a praiseworthy way sought :" to incorporate in historicizing fashion that central element for the history of National Socialism and of the " Third Reich " of the annihilatory capacity of the ideology and of the regime, and to comprehend this totalitarian reality in the interrelated context of Russian and German history ".
Hildebrand ended his review in Historische Zeitschrift journal by calling Nolte ’ s essay " Between Myth and Revisionism " “ trailbrazing ”.
In another essay, Hildebrand praised Nolte for daring to open up new questions for research.
In another feuilleton, Hildebrand argued in defense of Nolte that the Holocaust was one of out a long sequence of genocides in the 20th century, and asserted that Nolte was only attempting the " historicization " of National Socialism that Martin Broszat had called for During the Historikerstreit, Hildebrand often used the press as way of attacking Jürgen Habermas over what Hildebrand regarded as Habermas ’ s unfair criticism of Nolte and Hillgruber.
Hildebrand claimed as part of the “ historicizing ” National Socialism, that historians should consider, if not necessarily agree with Nolte ’ s theories
All this does not stop Klaus Hildebrand in the Historische Zeitschrift from commending Nolte ’ s “ pathfinding essay ”, because it “ attempts to project exactly the seeming unique aspects of the history of the Third Reich onto the backdrop of the European and global development ".
Hildebrand and singularity
In another essay entitled “ The New Historical Consciousness and the Relativizing of National Socialism ” first published in the October 1986 edition of the Blätter für deutsche und internationale Politik magazine, Mommsen attacked conservative historians such as Klaus Hildebrand who argued that the “ singularity ” of the Holocaust disproved any theory of generic fascism, while at the same time comparing National Socialism to Communism.
Hildebrand and Nazi
The German historian Klaus Hildebrand argued that besides Hitler's foreign policy programme, there were three other factions within the Nazi Party who had alternative foreign policy programmes, whom Hildebrand dubbed the agrarians, the revolutionary socialists, and the Wilhelmine Imperialists.
* Birthplace of Klaus Hildebrand, Nazi historian
With regard to the Nazi foreign policy debate between “ globalists ” such as Klaus Hildebrand, Andreas Hillgruber, Jochen Thies, Gunter Moltman and Gerhard Weinberg, who argue that Germany aimed at world conquest, and the " continentalists ” such as Hugh Trevor-Roper, Eberhard Jäckel, and Axel Kuhn, who argue that Germany aimed only at the conquest of Europe, Kershaw tends towards the “ continentalist ” position.
The leaders, in particular Hitler, demonstrably wanted all this, and it is thus, as Hildebrand recently suggested, wrong to talk of National Socialism ; we should talk of Hitlerism. This approach does not lead its advocates to concentrate narrowly upon Nazi race and occupation policies, nor upon Hitler himself.
* Intentionalist historians such as Andreas Hillgruber, Eberhard Jäckel, Klaus Hildebrand and Karl Dietrich Bracher have criticized Mommsen for underestimating the importance of Hitler and Nazi ideology.
Along similar lines, in a 1976 article, Hildebrand commented on left-wing historians of the Nazi Germany that in his view they were :" theoretically fixed, are vainly concerned with functional explanations of the autonomous force in history and as a result frequently contribute towards its trivialization ".
In regards to the Globalist-Continentalist debate between those argue that the Hitler's foreign policy at world conquest against those who argue that Nazi foreign policy aim only at the conquest of Europe, Hildebrand has consistently taken a Globalist position, arguing that the foreign policy of the Third Reich did indeed have world domination as its goal, with Hitler following a Stufenplan ( stage-by-stage plan ) to reach that goal.
In a 1983 speech, Hildebrand denied there had been a Sonderweg, and claimed that the Sonderweg only applied to the “ special case ” of the Nazi dictatorship In a 1984 essay, Hildebrand went further and wrote :“ It remains to be seen, whether future scholarship will initiate a process of historicization of the Hitler period, for example by comparing it with Stalinist Russia and with examples such as the Stone Age Communism of Cambodia.
Both phenomena could, horribile dictu, even relativize the concept of the German Sonderweg between 1933 and 1945 " In response, Heinrich August Winkler argued that there was a Sonderweg before 1933, and that Germany as a country deeply influenced by the Enlightenment meant there was no point of comparison between Hitler on one hand, and Pol Pot and Stalin on the other In Germany, Hildebrand is well known for his disputes with the Mommsen brothers, Hans and Wolfgang over how best to understand Nazi Germany, especially evident at a conference held at the German Historical Institute in London in 1979 which resulted in numerous hostile exchanges.
Fest's outrage, not at genocide, but at Habermas's assault on the fudging of the distinctions between genocides, was endorsed in a pompous defense of the historian's lofty search for science by Klaus Hildebrand, historian of Nazi foreign policy at the University of Bonn.
In an 1987 article, Hildebrand argued that both Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union were totalitarian, expansionary states that were destined to come into conflict with each other.
Broszat often attacked historians such as Klaus Hildebrand, Andreas Hillgruber and Eberhard Jäckel for concentrating upon Hitler and his beliefs as explanations for Nazi actions.
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