We may thus trace the notion of individual autonomy from its manifestation in religious practice and theological reflection through practical politics and political theory into literature and the arts.

In this connection, it might be noted that the theory of games was a mathematical discovery long before its uses in political science were exploited.

Anthropology has been used in Britain to provide an alternative explanation for the Financial crisis of 2007 – 2010 to the technical explanations rooted in economic and political theory.

They seek to explain why certain beliefs about categories would appear in political science as ideology, in religion as dogma, or in science as theory.

A conspiracy theory explains an event as being the result of an alleged plot by a covert group or organization or, more broadly, the idea that important political, social or economic events are the products of secret plots that are largely unknown to the general public.

The political scientist Michael Barkun discussing the usage of this term in contemporary American culture holds that a conspiracy theory is a belief which explains an event as the result of a secret plot by exceptionally powerful and cunning conspirators to achieve a malevolent end.

In April 1823, US Secretary of State John Quincy Adams discussed the rules of political gravitation, in a theory often referred to as the " ripe fruit theory ".

Hegel, in his Elements of the Philosophy of Right ( 1820 ), gave it a philosophical justification that concurred with evolving contemporary political theory and the Protestant Christian view of natural law.

Ronald Dworkin ( 2005 ) rejects Hart's theory and proposes that all individuals should expect the equal respect and concern of those who govern them as a fundamental political right.

Rén is the basis of Confucian political theory: it presupposes an autocratic ruler, exhorted to refrain from acting inhumanely towards his subjects.

Referred to variously as the Confucian hypothesis and as a debated component of the more all-encompassing Asian Development Model, there exists among political scientists and economists a theory that Confucianism plays a large latent role in the ostensibly non-Confucian cultures of modern-day East Asia, in the form of the rigorous work ethic it endowed those cultures with.

Far from trying to build a systematic or formalist theory, he wanted his disciples to master and internalize the old classics, so that their deep thought and thorough study would allow them to relate the moral problems of the present to past political events ( as recorded in the Annals ) or the past expressions of commoners ' feelings and noblemen's reflections ( as in the poems of the Book of Odes ).

The Confucian theory of ethics as exemplified in Lǐ () is based on three important conceptual aspects of life: ceremonies associated with sacrifice to ancestors and deities of various types, social and political institutions, and the etiquette of daily behavior.

Modern European conservatives such as Edmund Burke have found the extreme idealism of either democracy may endanger broader liberties, and similarly reject " abstract reason " as a guide for political theory.

Classical liberalism was the dominant political theory in Britain from the early 19th century until the First World War.

" American political scientists John R. Oneal and Bruce M. Russett, well known for their work on the democratic peace theory, state:

The specific relationship between the political leaders and the clergy varied but, in theory, the national and political divisions were at times subsumed under the leadership of the church as an institution.

Most proxies for " grievance "-the theory that civil wars begin because of issues of identity, rather than economics-were statistically insignificant, including economic equality, political rights, ethnic polarization and religious fractionalization.

However, this political restriction is less confining than it may first appear in that the Marxist historical framework is surprisingly flexible, and a rather simple matter to modify an alternative historical theory to use language that at least does not challenge the Marxist interpretation of history.

The Kuomintang issued their own theory of political stages based on Sun Yatsen's proposal though it is limited only to recent history.

Core concepts are: ( 1 ) That critical social theory should be directed at the totality of society in its historical specificity ( i. e. how it came to be configured at a specific point in time ), and ( 2 ) That critical theory should improve understanding of society by integrating all the major social sciences, including geography, economics, sociology, history, political science, anthropology, and psychology.

This version of " critical " theory derives from Kant's ( 18th-century ) and Marx's ( 19th Century ) use of the term " critique ", as in Kant's Critique of Pure Reason and Marx's concept that his work Das Kapital ( Capital ) forms a " critique of political economy.

Ratified in the Republican Party victory in 1952, the Positive State is now evidenced by political campaigns being waged not on whether but on how much social legislation there should be.

Recognizing that the Rule of Law is `` a dynamic concept which should be employed not only to safeguard the civil and political rights of the individual in a free society '', the Congress asserted that it also included the responsibility `` to establish social, economic, educational and cultural conditions under which his legitimate aspirations and dignity may be realized ''.

) The concept of nationalism is the political principle that epitomizes and glorifies the territorial state as the characteristic type of socal structure.

Complementing the political principle of nationalism is the legal principle of sovereignty.

In any event, whether society may have cancer, or merely a virus infection, the `` disease '', we shall find, is political, economical, social, and even medical.

Assuredly in our political campaigns there is freedom to think, to examine any and all issues, and to speak without restraint.

At the national and international level, then, what is the highest kind of morality for the private citizen represents an instance of political immorality.

But it is also the climax to one of the absorbing chapters in our current political history.

In the incessant struggle with recalcitrant political fact he learns to focus the essence of a problem in the significant detail, and to articulate the distinctions which clarify the detail as significant, with what is sometimes astounding rapidity.

To this end political authority is called upon to exercise its negative and coercive powers.

Steele's purpose is to present a general defense of his political writing and a resume of the themes which had occupied him in the Englishman ; ;

His point is simply that the Tories have showered him with personal satire, despite the fact that as a private subject he has a right to speak on political matters without affronting the prerogative of the Sovereign.

During moments of intense crisis the responsibility of political leaders is overwhelming.

Some historians have found his point of view not to their taste, others have complained that he makes the Tory tradition appear `` contemptible rather than intelligible '', while a sympathetic critic has remarked that the `` intricate interplay of social dynamics and political activity of which, at times, politicians are the ignorant marionettes is not a field for the exercise of his talents ''.

Britain in the nineteenth century is a textbook designed `` to give the sense of continuous growth, to show how economic led to social, and social to political change, how the political events reacted on the economic and social, and how new thoughts and new ideals accompanied or directed the whole complicated process ''.

In the field of political values, it is certainly true that students are not radical, not rebels against their parents or their peers.

That fact is very clearly illustrated in the case of the many present-day intellectuals who were Communists or near-Communists in their youth and are now so extremely conservative ( or reactionary, as many would say ) that they can define no important political conviction that does not seem so far from even a centrist position as to make the distinction between Mr. Nixon and Mr. Khrushchev for them hardly worth noting.

But in ways more fundamental than specific political opinions they are still what they always were: passionate, sure without a shadow of doubt of whatever it is that they are sure of, capable of seeing black and white only and, therefore, committed to the logical extreme of whatever it is they are temporarily committed to.

When I first came across Samuel Johnson's pronouncement, `` the remedy for the ills of life is palliative rather than radical '', it seemed to me to sum up the profoundest of political and social truths.

This magnificent but greatly underestimated book, which bodies forth the very form and pressure of its time as no other comparable creation, has suffered severely from having been written about an historical event -- the Spanish Civil War -- that is still capable of fanning the smoldering fires of old political feuds.

The whole purpose of Man's Hope is to portray the tragic dialectic between means and ends inherent in all organized political violence -- and even when such violence is a necessary and legitimate self-defense of liberty, justice and human dignity.

and Vincent Berger learns that political ambition is more apt to hide than to reveal the truth about men.