A major moment in Iorga's European career took place in 1924, when he convened in Bucharest the first-ever International Congress of Byzantine Studies, attended by some of the leading experts in the field.

Romanian historian of culture Alexandru Zub finds that Iorga's is " surely the richest opus coming from the 20th century ", while Maria Todorova calls Iorga " Romania's greatest historian ", adding " at least in terms of the size of his opus and his influence both at home and abroad ".

In reply, Russian Marxist journalist Leon Trotsky accused him of wishing to bury all left-wing contributions to culture, and local socialist Henric Sanielevici wrote that Iorga's literary doctrine did not live up to its moral goals.

In his private and public life, Iorga's conservatism also came with sexist remarks: like Maiorescu, Iorga believed that women were only truly gifted for nurturing and assisting male protagonists in public affairs.

This union of former rivals also showed Iorga's growing suspicion of Brătianu, whom he feared intended to absorb the PND into the National Liberal Party, and accused of creating a political machine.

Iorga's suggestions that new arrivals from Transylvania and Bessarabia were becoming a clique also resulted in collisions with former friend Octavian Goga, who had joined up with Averescu's party.

His interest in Vladimirescu and his historical role was also apparent in an eponymous play, published with a volume of Iorga's selected lyric poetry.

" Iorga's imprudent ambition is mentioned by cultural historian Z. Ornea, who also counts Iorga among those who had already opposed Carol's invalidation.

Steadily publishing new volumes of Istoria românilor, he also completed work on several other books: in 1938, Întru apărarea graniţei de Apus (" For the Defense of the Western Frontier "), Cugetare şi faptă germană (" German Thought and Action "), Hotare şi spaţii naţionale (" National Borders and Spaces "); in 1939 Istoria Bucureştilor (" History of Bucharest "), Discursuri parlamentare (" Parliamentary Addresses "), Istoria universală văzută prin literatură (" World History as Seen through Literature "), Naţionalişti şi frontiere (" Nationalists and Frontiers "), Stări sufleteşti şi războaie (" Spiritual States and Wars "), Toate poeziile lui N. Iorga (" N. Iorga's Complete Poetry ") and two new volumes of Memorii.

" The conflict between Iorga and Dragomirescu was also personal, and, as reported by Iorga's disciple Alexandru Lapedatu, even caused the two to physically assault each other.

In Stanomir's assessment, this last period of Iorga's activity also implied a move toward the main sources of traditional conservatism, bringing Iorga closer to the line of thought represented by Edmund Burke, Thomas Jefferson or Mihail Kogălniceanu, and away from that of Eminescu.

Iorga's personal conservative outlook, passed into the party doctrines, also implied a claim that the Jews were agents of rebellion against political and cultural authority.

The level of Iorga's productivity and the quality of his historical writing were also highlighted by more modern researchers.

A particular challenge to Iorga's historical narrative also came from rival Hungarian historiography: in 1929, Benedek Jancsó called Iorga's science a branch of " Romanian imperialist nationalism ", his argument rejected as " false logic " by the Romanian.

" In his own Mehmed the Conqueror and His Time, Iorga's German colleague Franz Babinger also noted that Iorga could get " carried away by national pride ".

Iorga also stood out among his generation for flatly rejecting any notion that the 12th-century Second Bulgarian Empire was a " Vlach-Bulgarian " or " Romanian-Bulgarian " project, noting that the Vlach achievements there benefited " another nation " ( Iorga's italics ).

Iorga's verdicts as a medievalist also produced a long-standing controversy about the real location of the 1330 Battle of Posada — so-named by him after an obscure reference in the Chronicon Pictum — whereby the Wallachian Princes secured their throne.

Lovinescu also ridiculed Iorga's traditionalist mentoring, calling him a " pontiff of indecency and insult ", an enemy of " democratic freedom ", and the patron of forgettable " literature about hajduks ".

Iorga's formative influence on Trăirists such as Eliade and Emil Cioran was also highlighted by some other researchers.

Iorga's other work for the stage also includes the " five-act fairy tale " Frumoasa fără trup (" Bodyless Beauty "), which repeats a motif found in Romanian folklore, and a play about Jesus Christ ( where Jesus is not shown, but heard ).

" The works offer retrospective arguments against Iorga's adversaries and sketch portraits of people who crossed Iorga's path — attributes which, Iova suggests, fully exploit Iorga's talents as a " polemicist " and " portraitist "; according to Alexandru Zub, they also fall into place within the Romanian ego-history vogue, between Xenopol's and Pârvan's.

Aside from being himself a writer, Iorga's public image was also preserved in the literary work of both his colleagues and adversaries.

Pippidi also prefaced collections of Iorga's correspondence, and published a biographical synthesis on his grandfather.

A seminal moment in Iorga's political career took place during the 1907 Romanian Peasants ' Revolt, erupting under a Conservative cabinet and repressed with much violence by a National Liberal one.

The political class as a whole was particularly apprehensive of Iorga's contacts with the Cultural League for the Unity of All Romanians and their common irredentist agenda, which risked undermining relations with the Austrians over Transylvania and Bukovina.

The elections seemed to do away with the old political system: Iorga's party was third, trailing behind two newcomers, the Transylvanian PNR and the Poporanist Peasants ' Party ( PŢ ), with whom it formed a parliamentary bloc supporting an Alexandru Vaida-Voevod cabinet.

Iorga's speech, " Stere's Betrayal ", turned attention back to Stere's Germanophilia ( with quotes that were supposedly taken out of context ) and demanded his invalidation — the subsequent debate was tense and emotional, but a new vote in Chamber confirmed Stere as Soroca deputy.

In short while, Iorga's support for the controversial monarch resulted in his inevitable break with the PNR and PŢ.

The backdrop to Iorga's mandate was Carol's conflict with the Iron Guard, an increasingly popular fascist organization.

On Blaga's side, the quarrel involved philologist and civil servant Bazil Munteanu ; his correspondence with Blaga features hostile remarks about Iorga's " vulgarity " and cultural politics.

Iorga's killing is often mentioned in tandem with that of agrarian politician Virgil Madgearu, kidnapped and murdered by the Guardists on the same night, and with the Jilava Massacre ( during which Carol II's administrative apparatus was decimated ).

Iorga's death caused much consternation among the general public, and was received with particular concern by the academic community.

Iorga's remains were buried at Bellu, in Bucharest, on the same day as Madgearu's funeral — the attendants, who included some of the surviving interwar politicians and foreign diplomats, defied the Guard's ban with their presence.

A maverick Junimist, Eminescu added to the conservative vision of his contemporaries an intense nationalism with reactionary, racist and xenophobic tinges, for which he received posthumous attention in Iorga's lifetime.

Also resonating with the Junimist club was Iorga's vision of the French Revolution — according to French author René Girault, the Romanian was an " excellent connaisseur " of this particular era.

The realignment came with contradictory statements on Iorga's part, such as when, in 1939, he publicly described Carol's Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen house as having usurped the throne of Domnitor Alexander John I, statements which enraged monarchist writer Gala Galaction.

However, with the interwar period came a relaxation of Iorga's own antisemitic discourse.

His anti-war texts of 1939 replied to claims that a new armed conflict would usher in national " vitality ", and, during the September Campaign, expressed solidarity with Poland — Iorga's Polonophila was even noted by the Nazis, causing more frictions between Berlin and Bucharest.

Nicolae Iorga's bitterness about Romanian geopolitical disadvantages was encoded in his oft-quoted remark about the country only having two peaceful borders: one with Serbia, the other with the Black Sea.

Iorga's attention then moved to other activities: he was Romanian Commissioner for the 1938 Venice Biennale, and supportive of the effort to establish a Romanian school of genealogists.

Cultural historian William O. Oldson notes that Iorga's " amazing list of accomplishments " in other fields helped give antisemitism " an irresistible panache " in Romania, particularly since Iorga shared in the belief that all good nationalists were antisemites.

According to literary historian George Călinescu, Iorga's " huge " and " monstrously " comprehensive research, leaving no other historian " the joy of adding something ", was matched by the everyday persona, a " hero of the ages ".

Several other historians have expressed criticism of Iorga's bias and agenda.

Despite Iorga's ambition of fusing research and pedagogy, his students, both rivals and friends, often noted that he was inferior to other colleagues when it came to teaching, in particular in directing advanced classes — his popularity, it was claimed, dropped with time, after the aging Iorga became aggressive toward some of his students.

During the 1930s, as the cultural and political climate changed, Iorga's main accusation against Tudor Arghezi, Lucian Blaga, Mircea Eliade, Liviu Rebreanu, George Mihail Zamfirescu and other Romanian modernists was their supposed practice of literary " pornography ".

His views on the bridging of tradition with modernism quoted profusely from Iorga's arguments against cultural imitation, but parted with Iorga's various other beliefs.

Essayist Nicolae Mareş has described them as " without parallel in any other literature ", citing Iorga's lyrics about the slumber of Polish kings at Wawel Cathedral.

Among Iorga's other contributions are translations from foreign writers: Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Kostis Palamas, Goldoni etc.

Later, Iorga's appearance inspired the works of some other visual artists, including his own daughter Magdalina ( Magda ) Iorga, painter Constantin Piliuţă and sculptor Ion Irimescu, who was personally acquainted with the scholar.

Iorga's murder, like other acts of violence ordered by the Iron Guard, alarmed Ion Antonescu, who found that it contradicted his resolutions on public order — the first clash in a dispute which, early in 1941, erupted as the Legionary Rebellion and saw the Guard's ouster from power.