The historian did however struck a chord with Stere, who had been made prefect of Iaşi County, and who, going against his party's wishes, inaugurated an informal collaboration between Iorga and the Poporanists.

Iorga and his new family had relocated several times, renting a home in Bucharest's Gara de Nord ( Buzeşti ) quarter.

Iorga however found that Bucharest had become " a filthy hell under lead skies.

Iorga, whose PND had formed the Federation of National Democracy with the PŢ and other parties, was perplexed by Averescu's sui generis appeal and personality cult, writing: " Everything that party was about Averescu.

Iorga became Romanian Premier in April 1931, upon the request of Carol II, who had returned from exile to replace his own son, Michael I.

" Iorga's imprudent ambition is mentioned by cultural historian Z. Ornea, who also counts Iorga among those who had already opposed Carol's invalidation.

The moment aggravated the running personal rivalry between the PND founder and Iuliu Maniu, but Iorga had on his side Maniu's own brother, lawyer Cassiu Maniu, who rejected the PNR's regionalistic stance.

At the same time, his new education law enhancing university autonomy, for which Iorga had been campaigning since the 1920s, was openly challenged as unrealistic by fellow scholar Florian Ştefănescu-Goangă, who noted that it only encouraged political agitators to place themselves outside the state.

In 1939, as the Guard's campaign of retribution had degenerated into terrorism, Iorga used the Senate tribune to address the issue and demand measures to curb the violence.

Borrowing Maiorescu's theory about how Westernization had come to Romania as " forms without concept " ( meaning that some modern customs had been forced on top of local traditions ), Iorga likewise aimed it against the liberal establishment, but gave it a more radical expression.

In 1901, when he helped prevent Jewish linguist Lazăr Şăineanu from obtaining an academic position, Iorga wrote that Jews had a " passion for high praise and multiple earnings "; three years later, in Sămănătorul, he argued that Iaşi was " polluted " by a " business-minded ", " pagan and hostile " community.

Disenchanted with German culture after the shock of World War I, Iorga also had strong views on Adolf Hitler, Nazi Germany and Nazism in general, taking in view their contempt for the Versailles system, but also their repressive politics.

In 1940, Rădulescu-Motru likewise argued that Iorga had been " a creator [...] of unparalleled fecundity ", while Enciclopedia Cugetarea deemed him the greatest-ever mind in Romania.

According to philosopher Liviu Bordaş, Iorga's main topic of interest, the relation between Romania and the Eastern world, was exhaustively covered: " nothing escaped this sacred monster's attention: Iorga had read everything.

Reflecting back on the transition, Iorga himself stated: " The love for the past, for great figures of energy and sincerity, [...] the exact contrary of tendencies I had found existed among my contemporaries, had gripped me and, added to my political preoccupations, such awakenings served me, when it came to criticizing things present, more than any argument that is abstract, logical in nature.

Iorga had a friendly attitude toward other Hungarian scholars, including Árpád Bitay and Imre Kádár, who were his guests at Vălenii.

Iorga had a complex personal perspective on the little-documented Dark Age history, between the Roman departure ( 271 AD ) and the 14th century emergence of two Danubian Principalities: Moldavia and Wallachia.

Unlike Ioan Bogdan and others, Iorga strongly rejected any notion that the South Slavs had been an additional contributor to ethnogenesis, and argued that Slavic idioms were a sustained but nonessential influence in historical Romanian.

One voice in support of this view is that of Ion Petrovici, a Junimist academic, who recounted that hearing Iorga lecture had made him overcome a prejudice which rated Maiorescu above all Romanian orators.

Tudor Vianu believed it " amazing " that, even in 1894, Iorga had made " so rich a synthesis of the scholarly, literary and oratorical formulas ".

In old age, Iorga had also established his reputation as a memoirist: Orizonturile mele was described by Victor Iova as " a masterpiece of Romanian literature ".

Notably in this context, Iorga reserved praise for some who had supported the Central Powers ( Carol I, Virgil Arion, George Coşbuc, Dimitrie Onciul ), but also stated that actual collaboration with the enemy was unforgivable.

The period was dominated by the overwhelming personality of the historian and politician Nicolae Iorga who, during his lifetime published over 1, 250 books and wrote more than 25, 000 articles.

It was discovered in 1915 by the Romanian scholar Nicolae Iorga.

Details on the family's more distant origins remain uncertain: Iorga was widely reputed to be of partial Greek-Romanian descent ; the rumor, still credited by some commentators, was rejected by the historian.

His move was contrasted by the group of left-nationalists from the Poporanist faction, who were allied to the National Liberals and, soon after, in open conflict with Iorga.

Once settled, Iorga set up a specialized summer school, his own publishing house, a printing press and the literary supplement of Neamul Românesc, as well as an asylum managed by writer Constanţa Marino-Moscu.

The subsequent taking of Southern Dobruja, supported by Maiorescu and the Conservatives, was seen by Iorga as callous and imperialistic.

His hesitantation was ridiculed by hawkish Eugen Lovinescu as pro-Transylvanian but anti-war, costing Iorga his office in the Cultural League.

The conditions were judged humiliating by Iorga (" Our ancestors would have preferred death "); he refused to regain his University of Bucharest chair.

Despite these successes, Iorga was reportedly snubbed by King Ferdinand, and only left to rely on Brătianu for support.

Iorga was awarded the title of doctor honoris causa by the University of Strasbourg, while his lectures on Albania, collected by poet Lasgush Poradeci, became Brève histoire de l ' Albanie (" Concise History of Albania ").

During the spring 1920 suffrage, Iorga was invited by journalist Sever Dan to run for a deputy seat in Transylvania, but eventually participated in and won the election of his earlier constituency, Covurlui County.

Also then, Iorga was appointed Aggregate Professor by the University of Paris, received the honor of having foreign scholars lecturing at the Vălenii de Munte school, and published a number of scientific works and essays, such as: Brève histoire des croissades (" A Short History of the Crusades "), Cărţi reprezentative din viaţa omenirii (" Books Significant for Mankind's Existence "), România pitorească (" Picturesque Romania ") and a volume of addresses to the Romanian American community.

Iorga was again abroad in 1926 and 1927, lecturing on various subjects at reunions in France, Italy, Switzerland, Denmark, Spain, Sweden and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, many of his works being by then translated into French, English, German and Italian.

At home, the PND's merge into the PNR, accepted by Iorga, was stopped once the historian asked to become the resulting union's chief.

For a while in 1927, Iorga was also local leader of the Pan-European movement, created internationally by Graf Coudenhove-Kalergi.

In addition to his Bucharest Faculty of History chair, Iorga also took over the History of Literature course hosted by the same institution ( 1928 ).

Iorga embarked on a longer journey during 1930: again lecturing in Paris during January, he left for Genoa and, from there, traveled to the United States, visiting some 20 cities, being greeted by the Romanian-American community and meeting with President Herbert Hoover.

Returning to attend the London International Congress of History, Iorga was also made a honoris causa doctor by the University of Oxford ( with a reception speech likening him to both Livy and Pliny the Elder ).

Iorga purportedly gave him a sarcastic reply: " just like you've been shooting the peasants to benefit the landowners, you'll then be shooting the landowners to benefit the peasants.

The political conflicts were by then reflected in Iorga's academic life: Iorga was becoming strongly opposed to a new generation of professional historians, which included Giurescu the younger, P. P. Panaitescu and Gheorghe Brătianu.

Oldson also refers to a paradox in the attitude of Iorga ( and Bogdan Petriceicu Hasdeu before him ): " A self-consciously proclaimed esteem for a minuscule elite, then, went hand in hand with the utmost contempt and condescension for the bulk of Romanian Jewry.

As noted by researcher George Voicu, the anti -" Judaization " discourse of the far right was by then turning against Iorga.