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is and most
I want the room in the attic prepared for him He is a most unusual lad, quite precocious in many ways.
In fact it has caused us to give serious thought to moving our residence south, because it is not easy for the most objective Southerner to sit calmly by when his host is telling a roomful of people that the only way to deal with Southerners who oppose integration is to send in troops and shoot the bastards down.
but for this discussion the most important division is between those who have been reconstructed and those who haven't.
But apart from racial problems, the old unreconstructed South -- to use the moderate words favored by Mr. Thomas Griffith -- finds itself unsympathetic to most of what is different about the civilization of the North.
The general acceptance of the idea of governmental ( i.e., societal ) responsibility for the economic well-being of the American people is surely one of the two most significant watersheds in American constitutional history.
Accidental war is so sensitive a subject that most of the people who could become directly involved in one are told just enough so they can perform their portions of incredibly complex tasks.
Even though in most cases the completion of the definitive editions of their writings is still years off, enough documentation has already been assembled to warrant drawing a new composite profile of the leadership which performed the heroic dual feats of winning American independence and founding a new nation.
It is clear that, while most writers enjoy picturing the Negro as a woolly-headed, humble old agrarian who mutters `` yassuhs '' and `` sho' nufs '' with blissful deference to his white employer ( or, in Old South terms, `` massuh '' ), this stereotype is doomed to become in reality as obsolete as Caldwell's Lester.
Presenting an individualized Negro character, it would seem, is one of the most difficult assignments a Southern writer could tackle ; ;
All but the most rabid of Confederate flag wavers admit that the Old Southern tradition is defunct in actuality and sigh that its passing was accompanied by the disappearance of many genteel and aristocratic traditions of the reputedly languid ante-bellum way of life.
Yet often fear persists because, even with the most rigid ritual, one is never quite free from the uneasy feeling that one might make some mistake or that in every previous execution one had been unaware of the really decisive act.
Perhaps the most illuminating example of the reduction of fear through understanding is derived from our increased knowledge of the nature of disease.
The consciousness it mirrors may have come earlier to Europe than to America, but it is the consciousness that most `` mature '' societies arrive at when their successes in technological and economic systematization propel them into a time of examining the not-strictly-practical ends of culture.
And the life they lead is undisciplined and for the most part unproductive, even though they make a fetish of devoting themselves to some creative pursuit -- writing, painting, music.
The music which Lautner has composed for this episode is for the most part `` rather pretty and perfectly banal ''.
Presupposed in Plato's system is a doctrine of levels of insight, in which a certain kind of detached understanding is alone capable of penetrating to the most sublime wisdom.
As long as perception is seen as composed only of isolated sense data, most of the quality and interconnectedness of existence loses its objectivity, becomes an invention of consciousness, and the result is a philosophical scepticism.
And it is precisely in this poorer economic class that one finds, and has always found, the most racial friction.
It is something which most of us try to get out from under.
We assume for this illustration that the size of the land plots is so great that the distance between dwellings is greater than the voice can carry and that most of the communication is between nearest neighbors only, as shown in Figure 2.

is and common
Poetry in Persian life is far more than a common ground on which -- in a society deeply fissured by antagonisms -- all may stand.
Before merging them into a common profile it is well to remember that their separate careers were extraordinary.
This almost trivial example is nevertheless suggestive, for there are some elements in common between the antique fear that the days would get shorter and shorter and our present fear of war.
Harold Clurman is right to say that `` Waiting For Godot '' is a reflection ( he calls it a distorted reflection ) `` of the impasse and disarray of Europe's present politics, ethic, and common way of life ''.
However, it is important to trace the philosophy of the French Revolution to its sources to understand the common democratic origin of individualism and socialism and the influence of the latter on the former.
But it is the need to undertake these testaments that I would submit here as symptom of the common man's malaise.
As symptomatic of the common man's malaise, he is most significant: a liberal and a Catholic, elected by the skin of his teeth.
What is the common man's complaint??
But what a super-Herculean task it is to winnow anything of value from the mud-beplastered arguments used so freely, particularly since such common use is made of cliches and stereotypes, in themselves declarations of intellectual bankruptcy.
The men who speculate on these institutions have, for the most part, come to at least one common conclusion: that many of the great enterprises and associations around which our democracy is formed are in themselves autocratic in nature, and possessed of power which can be used to frustrate the citizen who is trying to assert his individuality in the modern world ''.
They all have this in common: the earth is situated near the center of the deferent.
But that one should superimpose all these charts, run a pin through the common point, and then scale each planetary deferent larger and smaller ( to keep the epicycles from ' bumping ' ), this is contrary to any intention Ptolemy ever expresses.
Now this concern for the freedom of other peoples is the intellectual and spiritual cement which has allied us with more than forty other nations in a common defense effort.
A common meeting ground is desirable for those nations which are prepared to assist in the development effort.
Conventional images of Jews have this in common with all perceptions of a configuration in which one feature is held constant: images can be both true and false.
If art is to release us from these postulated things ( things we must think symbolically about ) and bring us back to the ineffable beauty and richness of the aesthetic component of reality in its immediacy, it must sever its connection with these common sense entities ''.
In the wide range of experiences common to our earth-bound race none is more difficult to manage, more troublesome, and more enduring in its effects than the control of love and hate.
`` History has this in common with every other science: that the historian is not allowed to claim any single piece of knowledge, except where he can justify his claim by exhibiting to himself in the first place, and secondly to any one else who is both able and willing to follow his demonstration, the grounds upon which it is based.
To obey the moral law is just ordinary common sense, applied to a neglected field.
British common sense is proverbial.

is and for
It is possible, although highly doubtful, that he killed none at all but merely let his reputation work for him by privately claiming every unsolved murder in the state.
( The best evidence is that he received a monthly wage of about $125, very good money in an era when top hands worked for $30 and found.
this is not so, for education offers all kinds of dividends, including how to pull the wool over a husband's eyes while you are having an affair with his wife.
`` What is the scaffolding for, Brassnose ''??
He speaks your language too, for he is the grandson of a chieftain on Taui who made much magic and was strong and cunning.
This is a paradise for hunters.
`` And if the dive goes OK he has the exclusive import rights to your line for this country, is that right ''??
There is nothing for you '', Matsuo said.
It is almost time for and calinda to begin ''.
-- liberal considers that the need for a national economy with controls that will assure his conception of social justice is so great that individual and local liberties as well as democratic processes may have to yield before it.
Had the situation been reversed, had, for instance, England been the enemy in 1898 because of issues of concern chiefly to New England, there is little doubt that large numbers of Southerners would have happily put on their old Confederate uniforms to fight as allies of Britain.
Of greater importance, however, is the content of those programs, which have had and are having enormous consequences for the American people.
Reduced to its simplest terms, it is an assumption of a collective duty to compensate for the inability of individuals to cope with the rigors of the era.
National responsibility for individual welfare is a concept not limited to the United States or even to the Western nations.
For better or for worse, we all now live in welfare states, the organizing principle of which is collective responsibility for individual well-being.
( Since the time-span of the nation-state coincides roughly with the separate existence of the United States as an independent entity, it is perhaps natural for Americans to think of the nation as representative of the highest form of order, something permanent and unchanging.
There is little time for the men in the command centers to reflect about the implications of these clocks.
Only recently new `` holes '' were discovered in our safety measures, and a search is now on for more.

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