That fact is very clearly illustrated in the case of the many present-day intellectuals who were Communists or near-Communists in their youth and are now so extremely conservative ( or reactionary, as many would say ) that they can define no important political conviction that does not seem so far from even a centrist position as to make the distinction between Mr. Nixon and Mr. Khrushchev for them hardly worth noting.

In this case he has put the alternatives clearly to Mr. Khrushchev for the third time.

Since Laos is of no more purely military value to Moscow itself than it is to Washington, this approach might be expected to head off Mr. Khrushchev for the moment.

A nuclear pacifier of these dimensions -- roughly some six and a half times bigger than anything the United States has triggered experimentally -- would certainly produce a bigger bang, and, just for kicks, Khrushchev might use it to propel the seminar of the house of delegates from St. Louis to the moon, where there wouldn't even be any beer to drink.

According to the original program, Premier Khrushchev expected the millions looking toward the Kremlin this morning to be filled with admiration or rage -- depending upon individual or national politics -- because of the `` bold program for building communism in our time '' which the Congress will adopt.

This Congress will see Premier Khrushchev consolidating his power and laying the groundwork for an orderly succession should death or illness remove him from the scene in the next few years.

The widespread purge that has taken place the past twelve months or so among Communist leaders in the provinces gives assurance that the party officials who will dominate the Congress, and the Central Committee it will elect, will all have passed the tightest possible Khrushchev screening, both for loyalty to him and for competence and performance on the job.

Nikita Khrushchev, however, has created yet another problem for himself.

The publication last July of the party's Draft Program -- that blueprint for the `` transition to communism '' -- had led the uninitiated to suppose that this Twenty-second Congress would be a sort of apotheosis of the Khrushchev regime, a solemn consecration of ideas which had, in fact, been current over the last three or four years ( i.e., since the defeat of the `` anti-party group '' ) in all theoretical party journals.

-- At a gay party in the Kremlin for President Sukarno of Indonesia, Premier Khrushchev pulled out his pockets and said, beaming: `` Look, he took everything I had ''!!

Premier Khrushchev wrecked the conference at its initial session with a bitter denunciation of the U. S. for the U-2 incident.

Thus when Premier Khrushchev intimated even before inauguration that he hoped for an early meeting with the new President, Mr. Kennedy was confronted with a delicate problem.

`` The President and Chairman Khrushchev understand that this meeting is not for the purpose of negotiating or reaching agreement on the major international problems that involve the interest of many other countries.

The question was raised, for example, as to what attitude the President would take if Mr. Khrushchev proposes a broad neutral belt extending from Southeast Asia to the Middle East.

Soviet Premier Khrushchev sent New Year's hopes for peace to President-elect Kennedy, and got a cool acknowledgment in reply.

And Khrushchev turned out to be prime copy for the most witty caricaturist of them all.

In The Oak and the Calf, Alexander Solzhenitsyn sharply criticized Pasternak, both for declining the Nobel Prize and for sending such a letter to Khrushchev.

According to Yevgenii Pasternak, his father would have been exiled had it not been for Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, who telephoned Khrushchev and threatened to found a Committee for Pasternak ’ s protection.

" The half-hearted invasion left Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev and his advisers with the impression that Kennedy was indecisive and, as one Soviet adviser wrote, " too young, intellectual, not prepared well for decision making in crisis situations ... too intelligent and too weak.

Speaking to Soviet officials in the aftermath of the crisis, Khrushchev asserted, " I know for certain that Kennedy doesn ’ t have a strong background, nor, generally speaking, does he have the courage to stand up to a serious challenge.

If the Americans tried to bargain with the Soviets after becoming aware of the missiles, Khrushchev could demand trading the missiles for West Berlin.

Over all these fairly awkward problems Khrushchev was to skate rather lightly ; ;

in fact, with having been against all the more popular features of the Khrushchev `` welfare state ''.

But one cannot escape the suspicion that all this non-stop harping on the misdeeds of the long liquidated `` anti-party '' group would be totally unnecessary if there were not, inside the party, some secret but genuine opposition to Khrushchev on vital doctrinal grounds, on the actual methods to be employed in the `` transition to communism '' and, last but not least, on foreign policy.

There was also the fact that by the time he meets Mr. Khrushchev, the President will have completed conversations with all the other principal Allied leaders.

Under Khrushchev, an investigation into the matter concluded that the Central Committee had lost its ruling function under Stalin ; from 1929 onwards all decisions in the Central Committee were taken unanimously.

Khrushchev was forced to resign from all his posts in 1964, having been accused of breaching the Leninist code of conduct

Khrushchev objected on the grounds that not all Presidium members had been notified, an objection which would have been quickly dismissed had Khrushchev not held firm control over the military.

These points, and more, were used against him, when Khrushchev was forced to resign from all his posts in 1964.

On 14 October 1964 the Central Committee, alongside the Presidium, made it clear that Khrushchev himself did not fit the model of a " Leninist leader ", and he was forced to resign from all his post, and was succeeded by Leonid Brezhnev as First Secretary and Alexei Kosygin as Chairman of the Council of Ministers.

Before initiating the palace coup against Khrushchev, Brezhnev had talked to several Central Committee members, and had a list which contained all of the Central Committee members who supported ousting Khrushchev.

However, after the 22nd Party Congress in 1961, during which Khrushchev carried out his de-Stalinisation campaign, including the removal of Stalin's body from Lenin's Mausoleum, Molotov ( along with Lazar Kaganovich ) was removed from all positions and expelled from the Communist Party.

This led Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev to call Smith " the devil in disguise of a woman " whose position exceeded " all records of savagery.

Khrushchev became premier on March 27, 1958, consolidating his power — the tradition followed by all his predecessors and successors.

While denouncing Stalin, Khrushchev carefully praised the Communist Party, which had the strength to withstand all the negative effects of imaginary crimes and false accusations.

In a dramatic standoff in Kremlin, Malenkov was severely ostracized for the treason by both Khrushchev and Zhukov, who alerted all military forces to be ready to fight against Malenkov and his pro-Stalinist group.

Khrushchev also withdrew nearly all Soviet technical experts from China, leaving some major projects in an unfinished state.

Marcy also firmly criticized Khrushchev for starting the Sino-Soviet split and called for the unity of all of the socialist states at the time ( i. e. the Warsaw Pact countries, China, Yugoslavia, Albania and the DPRK.

Nikita Khrushchev, who claimed to be an expert in agricultural science, also valued Lysenko as a great scientist, and the taboo on genetics continued ( but all geneticists were released or rehabilitated posthumously ).

The same can be said about the half-hearted Cuban invasion mounted by the administration last April, which, we trust, is not symptomatic of the methods to be invoked in holding off the felonious Khrushchev.

One of the initial questions put to President Kennedy at his first news conference last January was about his attitude toward a meeting with Premier Khrushchev.

There was reason to believe that Premier Khrushchev was also concerned about a possible spread of nuclear weapons, particularly to Communist China.

It was in the midst of such White House deliberations that Premier Khrushchev on May 4 made new inquiries through the U. S. Embassy in Moscow about a meeting with the President in the near future.

Mr. Khrushchev is known to rely heavily on his instincts about his adversaries and to be a shrewd judge of men.

A discussion about the methods of the political use of technology in the creation of a super-bomb began the ideological divergence between Andrei Sakharov and Nikita Khrushchev.

But six months after the crisis, a Gallup Poll found that public worry about nuclear weapons had fallen back to its lowest point since 1957, and there was a view, disputed by CND supporters, that U. S. President John F. Kennedy's success in facing down Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev turned the British public away from CND.

Although Nikita Khrushchev denounced Stalin's personality cult, information about the true proportions of his atrocities was still suppressed.

Khrushchev wrote in his ( unreliable ) memoirs that Beria had, immediately after the stroke, gone about " spewing hatred against and mocking him ", and then, when Stalin showed signs of consciousness, dropped to his knees and kissed his hand.

Voroshilov, Malenkov, and Khrushchev brought about 26 June 1953 arrest of Lavrenty Beria after Stalin's death.

Khrushchev wrote in his memoirs that Beria had, immediately after the stroke, gone about " spewing hatred against and mocking him.

In 1956, Khrushchev denounced both Stalin and his policies and subsequently set about implementing post-Stalinist economic reforms.

During the crisis, Fidel Castro wrote Khrushchev a letter about the prospect that the " imperialists " would be " extremely dangerous " if they responded militarily to the Soviet stationing of nuclear missiles aimed at US territory, less than 90 miles away in Cuba.

Just as he's losing hope of ever doing so, he sees a newspaper story about the U. S. playing host to visiting Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev.

This was due to the State Commission discovering that Volynov's mother was Jewish ; Sergey Korolyov was reportedly furious about this decision, but was told by Nikita Khrushchev " Don't rock the boat – it's not worth it!

The Cuban Missile Crisis presents an example in which opposing leaders, namely John F. Kennedy and Nikita Khrushchev, continually issued warnings, with increasing force, about impending nuclear exchanges, without necessarily validating their statements.

In 2000, Sergei Khrushchev wrote about the experience of his father, Nikita Khrushchev, in the incident.

" Khrushchev went on to say that such a mistake had been made about Stalin.

On the one hand, the politburo of the PCF claimed its loyalty to the Soviet Union ( it approved the military intervention in Hungary in 1956 ), and one the other hand, the general secretary Thorez was sceptical about the policy of Nikita Khrushchev ( his rapport about Joseph Stalin's crimes was kept silent by the PCF leaders ).

In the 20th Party Congress of 1956, Khrushchev delivered the famous Secret Speech about Stalin's cult of personality.

Khrushchev didn't give a damn about the music in this instance, he was angered by Yevtushenko's poetry.

* The Mask, evil nemesis of Philo Kvetch, revealed in the last episode to be Nikita Khrushchev, who had been deposed about a year earlier.