Nikita Khrushchev, however, has created yet another problem for himself.

It seems that Khrushchev himself took a very special pride in having made a world-shaking contribution to Marxist doctrine with his Draft Program ( a large part of his twelve-hour speech at the recent Congress was, in fact, very largely a rehash of that interminable document ).

In the light of those events, there appeared to be a real danger that Premier Khrushchev might overreach himself.

By doing this, Khrushchev was acknowledging a long forgotten fact ; the Presidium, the Secretariat and he himself were responsible to the Central Committee.

Khrushchev had began to initiate nepotistic policies, initiated policies without the consent of either the Presidium or the Central Committee, a cult of personality had developed and, in general, Khrushchev had developed several characteristics which he himself criticised Stalin of having at the 20th Party Congress.

At the 21st Party Congress Khrushchev boldly declared that Leninist legality had been reestablishing, when in reality, he himself was beginning to following some of the same policies, albeit not at the same level, as Stalin had.

On 14 October 1964 the Central Committee, alongside the Presidium, made it clear that Khrushchev himself did not fit the model of a " Leninist leader ", and he was forced to resign from all his post, and was succeeded by Leonid Brezhnev as First Secretary and Alexei Kosygin as Chairman of the Council of Ministers.

In a twist of fate, Stalin himself was edited out of some propaganda films when Nikita Khrushchev became the leader of the Soviet Union, and the city of Tsaritsyn that had earlier been named Stalingrad was renamed Volgograd in 1961.

When Khrushchev approved the building of a wall as a means to resolve this situation, Ulbricht threw himself into the project with abandon.

It appears to be none other than Khrushchev himself.

The State Space Commission nominated Tereshkova to pilot Vostok 6 at their meeting on 21 May and this was confirmed by Nikita Khrushchev himself.

Khrushchev himself presided at the wedding party, together with top government and space program leaders.

In this position, he became disillusioned not with Stalin but with Khrushchev himself for telling the story of his crimes.

" He also urged the administration to " assure a divergence of outlook and policy between the Russians and Chinese ," which could be accomplished by improving relations with Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev who had wanted to distance himself from the Communist Chinese.

From 1955 to 1962, he was First Secretary of the Sverdlovsk Regional Party Committee ; he was appointed by Nikita Khrushchev himself to take charge of economic planning and personnel selection in urban areas of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic ( RSFSR ).

For instance, in Who's on First, Oakes deliberately chooses not to stop the Soviet Union from launching Sputnik ahead of the otherwise-superior US satellite program, in order to protect the life of a Soviet contact ( and thus the seeming Soviet technological triumph was actually authorized by a US agent, who allowed it to happen ); in Marco Polo, if You Can, Oakes is the real-life U2 pilot Gary Powers, and allows himself to be captured while flying over the Soviet Union in order to create a cover story for a secret US intelligence operation ( and thus the U2 incident was actually planned from the start, Gary Powers was not shot down by the Soviet military but deliberately set up his own capture, and U. S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower's subsequent humiliation by Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev never happened ).

According to historian Ilya Zemtsov, the author of Chernenko: The Last Bolshevik: The Soviet Union on the Eve of Perestroika, Brezhnev began starting a conspiracy against Khrushchev when he found out that he had chosen Podgorny, and not himself, as his potential successor.

In a politically motivated move to weaken the central state bureaucracy in 1957, Khrushchev replaced the industrial ministries in Moscow with regional Councils of People's Economy, sovnarkhozes, causing himself many new enemies among the ranks in Soviet government.

Khrushchev used the event to accentuate his new political and social goals, and to show himself as a new leader who was completely different from Stalin.

Serov was also a colleague in Ukraine of Nikita Khrushchev, the local Head of State, who himself was nicknamed the " Butcher of the Ukraine ".

Rettie believes the information came from Khrushchev himself via an intermediary.

He was tried and shot in December 1953 though Khrushchev was later to claim that he shot Beria himself at the June meeting of the Presidium.

Destalinisation came to a halt under the new General Secretary, Leonid Brezhnev who emerged as the new party leader after first plotting with Nikolai Podgorny to oust Khrushchev and then outmanoeuvering Podgorny to take the party leadership ( Podgrony became the ceremonial head of state as a consolation until Brezhnev took that position for himself in 1977 ).

That fact is very clearly illustrated in the case of the many present-day intellectuals who were Communists or near-Communists in their youth and are now so extremely conservative ( or reactionary, as many would say ) that they can define no important political conviction that does not seem so far from even a centrist position as to make the distinction between Mr. Nixon and Mr. Khrushchev for them hardly worth noting.

Since Laos is of no more purely military value to Moscow itself than it is to Washington, this approach might be expected to head off Mr. Khrushchev for the moment.

The same can be said about the half-hearted Cuban invasion mounted by the administration last April, which, we trust, is not symptomatic of the methods to be invoked in holding off the felonious Khrushchev.

So, while we properly inveigh against the new poisoning, history is not likely to justify the pose of righteousness which some in the West were so quick to assume when Mr. Khrushchev made his cynical and irresponsible threat.

Some government scientists say privately that the figure probably is closer to 80 megatons, and that the full 50-megaton bomb that Khrushchev mentioned may still be detonated.

The big question is whether, in the name of a restored Chinese-Soviet solidarity, the Chinese will choose to persuade the Albanians to present their humble apologies to Khrushchev -- or get rid of Enver Hoxa.

Khrushchev, for all his bombastic prophecies about the inevitable decay of capitalism, is genuinely favorable to `` peaceful coexistence '' and would like, above all, the Berlin and German problems to be settled peacefully ; ;

And the Chinese, as the Albanian incident shows, have strong suspicions that Khrushchev is anxious to secure a `` shameful '' peace with the West.

The fact that China ( which is obsessed by Formosa -- to Khrushchev a very small matter ) should be supported by North Korea and North Vietnam is highly indicative.

Perhaps Khrushchev is in a more difficult position than any since 1957, when the `` anti-party group '' nearly liquidated him.

`` As long as Mr. Khrushchev is convinced that the balance of world power is shifting his way, no amount of either smiles or toughness, neither Camp David talks nor kitchen debates, can compel him to enter fruitful negotiations ''.

`` The President and Chairman Khrushchev understand that this meeting is not for the purpose of negotiating or reaching agreement on the major international problems that involve the interest of many other countries.

Mr. Khrushchev is known to rely heavily on his instincts about his adversaries and to be a shrewd judge of men.

After Cuba and Laos, it was argued, Mr. Khrushchev will interpret the President's consent to the meeting as further evidence of Western weakness -- perhaps even panic -- and is certain to try to exploit the advantage he now believes he holds.

In contrast, the East is ably led by such stalwart heroes as Khrushchev, Tito, and Mao.

This leader must be a man who lives above illusions that heretofore have shaped the foreign policy of the United States, namely that Russia will agree to a reunited Germany, that the East German government does not exist, that events in Japan in June 1960 were Communist-inspired, that the true government of China is in Formosa, that Mao was the evil influence behind Khrushchev at the Summit Conference in Paris in May 1960, and that either China or Russia wants or expects war.

President Kennedy recognized this: “ The advantage is, from Khrushchev ’ s point of view, he takes a great chance but there are quite some rewards to it .”

* 1953 – Lavrentiy Beria, head of MVD, is arrested by Nikita Khrushchev and other members of the Politburo.

* 1960 – Cold War: U-2 Crisis of 1960 – Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev announces that his nation is holding American U-2 pilot Gary Powers.

However, it is also used by some who repudiate the repressive aspects of Stalinism, such as the supporters of Nikita Khrushchev.

During and after the rule of Nikita Khrushchev ( 1956 – 64 ), Soviet historiographic practice is more complicated.