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Page "Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union" ¶ 29
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Khrushchev and was
Meanwhile, in Moscow, Khrushchev was adding his bit to the march of world law by promising to build a bomb with a wallop equal to 100 million tons of TNT, to knock sense into the heads of those backward oafs who can't see the justice of surrendering West Berlin to communism.
The reason was to speed up domestic production in the USSR, which Khrushchev promised upon grabbing power, and try to end the permanent recession in Russian living standards.
These never ceased to suggest that if, in the eyes of Marx and Lenin `` full communism '' was still a very distant ideal, the establishment of a Communist society had now, under Khrushchev, become an `` immediate and tangible reality ''.
It seems that Khrushchev himself took a very special pride in having made a world-shaking contribution to Marxist doctrine with his Draft Program ( a large part of his twelve-hour speech at the recent Congress was, in fact, very largely a rehash of that interminable document ).
Over all these fairly awkward problems Khrushchev was to skate rather lightly ; ;
Mr. Khrushchev was jesting in the expansive mood of the successful banker.
One of the initial questions put to President Kennedy at his first news conference last January was about his attitude toward a meeting with Premier Khrushchev.
The President knew that a confrontation with Mr. Khrushchev sooner or later probably was inevitable and even desirable.
Thus when Premier Khrushchev intimated even before inauguration that he hoped for an early meeting with the new President, Mr. Kennedy was confronted with a delicate problem.
The letter, dated Feb. 22, was delivered to Premier Khrushchev in Novosibirsk, Siberia, on March 9.
There was reason to believe that Premier Khrushchev was also concerned about a possible spread of nuclear weapons, particularly to Communist China.
It was in the midst of such White House deliberations that Premier Khrushchev on May 4 made new inquiries through the U. S. Embassy in Moscow about a meeting with the President in the near future.
There was also the fact that by the time he meets Mr. Khrushchev, the President will have completed conversations with all the other principal Allied leaders.
After Cuba and Laos, it was argued, Mr. Khrushchev will interpret the President's consent to the meeting as further evidence of Western weakness -- perhaps even panic -- and is certain to try to exploit the advantage he now believes he holds.
The question was raised, for example, as to what attitude the President would take if Mr. Khrushchev proposes a broad neutral belt extending from Southeast Asia to the Middle East.
Though President John F. Kennedy was primarily concerned with the crucial problems of Berlin and disarmament adviser McCloy's unexpected report from Khrushchev, his new enthusiasm and reliance on personal diplomacy involved him in other key problems of U.S. foreign policy last week.
This leader must be a man who lives above illusions that heretofore have shaped the foreign policy of the United States, namely that Russia will agree to a reunited Germany, that the East German government does not exist, that events in Japan in June 1960 were Communist-inspired, that the true government of China is in Formosa, that Mao was the evil influence behind Khrushchev at the Summit Conference in Paris in May 1960, and that either China or Russia wants or expects war.
Chaplin continued being a subject to political controversy throughout the 1950s, especially as he was awarded the International Peace Prize by the Communist World Peace Council and lunched with Chou En-Lai in 1954, and when he briefly met Nikita Khrushchev in 1956.
But six months after the crisis, a Gallup Poll found that public worry about nuclear weapons had fallen back to its lowest point since 1957, and there was a view, disputed by CND supporters, that U. S. President John F. Kennedy's success in facing down Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev turned the British public away from CND.
" The half-hearted invasion left Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev and his advisers with the impression that Kennedy was indecisive and, as one Soviet adviser wrote, " too young, intellectual, not prepared well for decision making in crisis situations ... too intelligent and too weak.
In addition, Khrushchev ’ s impression of Kennedy ’ s weakness was confirmed by the President ’ s soft response during the Berlin Crisis of 1961, particularly the building of the Berlin Wall.
Khrushchev increased the perception of a missile gap when he loudly boasted to the world that the USSR was building missiles " like sausages " whose numbers and capabilities actually were nowhere close to his assertion.
In May 1962, Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev was persuaded by the idea of countering the United States ' growing lead in developing and deploying strategic missiles by placing Soviet intermediate-range nuclear missiles in Cuba.
A second reason Soviet missiles were deployed to Cuba was because Khrushchev wanted to bring West Berlin — the American / British / French-controlled democratic zone within Communist East Germany — into the Soviet orbit.

Khrushchev and able
However, Khrushchev and Malenkov were able to gather enough support for Beria's ouster, but only when a rumour of a potential coup led by Beria began to take hold within the party leadership.
With new acquired powers, Khrushchev was able to appoint associates to the leadership in Georgia, Azerbaijan, Ukraine, Armenia and Moldavia ( modern Moldova ), while Malenkov, in contrast, was able to appoint an associate to leadership only in Moscow.
Brezhnev was able to succeed Khrushchev because a majority in the Central Committee voted in favour of removing Khrushchev from office as both First Secretary and Chairman of the Council of Ministers
Khrushchev was able to hold on to power by conceding to various opposition demands in times of crisis, such as during the 1960 U-2 incident and the Cuban Missile Crisis.
Brezhnev was able to consolidate power to become the leading figure, but he was never able to gather as much powers as Stalin and Khrushchev had done previously.

Khrushchev and powers
The powers of the Secretariat decreased during this period, and only one member of the Secretariat, Nikita Khrushchev, was a member of the Presidium ( the Politburo ).
At the meeting, Khrushchev pressed Nasser to lift the ban on the Communist Party, but Nasser refused, stating it was an internal matter which was not a subject of discussion with outside powers.
Khrushchev advanced a proposal to replace the Secretary-General with a three-person leading council ( a " troika "): one member from the West, one from the Communist states, and one from the Non-Aligned powers.
Hence, he perceived Khrushchev as too-appeasing with the West, despite Soviet caution in international politics that threatened nuclear warfare ( i. e., the US, UK and USSR were nuclear powers by the late 1950s ), wherein the USSR managed superpower confrontations such as the status of post-war Berlin.

Khrushchev and within
Malenkov's resignation made Khrushchev the senior member within the Secretariat, and made him powerful enough to set the agenda of the Presidium meetings alongside Malenkov.
Under Gorbachev, relatively young, reform-oriented technocrats, who had begun their careers in the heyday of " de − Stalinization " under Nikita Khrushchev ( 1958 – 1964 ), rapidly consolidated power within the CPSU, providing new momentum for political and economic liberalization, and the impetus for cultivating warmer relations and trade with the West.
Gorbachev attended the important twenty-second Party Congress in October 1961, where Nikita Khrushchev announced a plan to surpass the U. S. in per capita production within twenty years.
After Stalin's death in 1953, his successor Nikita Khrushchev repudiated his policies, condemned Stalin's cult of personality in his Secret Speech to the Twentieth Party Congress in 1956, and instituted destalinisation and relative liberalisation ( within the same political framework ).
Subbotniks were also imposed on other countries within the compass of Soviet power, including Eastern Europe, and at the height of its power the Soviet Union established a nation-wide subbotnik to be celebrated on Lenin's birthday, April 22, which had been proclaimed a national holiday celebrating communism by Nikita Khrushchev in 1955.
The two vessels approached each other within at one point, and Tereshkova communicated with Bykovsky and with Khrushchev by radio.
In 1956, after Nikita Khrushchev shook the Communist world by making his famous Secret Speech denouncing the cult of personality that surrounded Joseph Stalin, Mao wanted to ensure that a similar incident within the CPC would not happen.
Having led the opposition against Khrushchev for years, Suslov had acquired and wielded great power within the Central Committee when Brezhnev rose to power.
Divisions within the CPGB had emerged following the Soviet intervention to quell the Hungarian uprising in 1956 and the subsequent moves by the Nikita Khrushchev leadership in the USSR to denounce Joseph Stalin.
… he immediate reason for his demotion may have been the general revulsion against secret police within the communist bloc after Khrushchev ’ s Secret Speech.
Podgorny's beliefs were strongly influenced by Khrushchev, and under Leonid Brezhnev's rule, Podgorny was one of the most liberal members within the Soviet leadership, even more liberal than Premier Alexei Kosygin.
The Anti-Party Group () was a group within the leadership of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union that unsuccessfully attempted to depose Nikita Khrushchev as First Secretary of the Party in May 1957.
Uncomfortable and possibly threatened by the reformist measures adopted by Stalin's successor, Nikita Khrushchev, Gheorghiu-Dej began to steer Romania towards a more " independent " path while remaining within the Soviet orbit during the late 1950s.
In 1956, he endorsed the " de-Stalinization " inaugurated by Nikita Khrushchev at the Twentieth Congress of the Soviet Communist Party, as well as the reforms conceived by Soviet economist Evsei Liberman, suggesting a decentralization of decisions made within the planning leadership.

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