Efforts were made during Nasser's time in office to realise the social goals of the National Charter.

The reports of President Nasser's pledges which Hammarskjold was relaying from Cairo to Washington became increasingly incomprehensible to other diplomats, including the Israeli Foreign Minister, Mrs. Golda Meir.

Following a 1963 Draft Constitution the first version of the Charter was written by Ahmad Shukeiri, the first chairman of the PLO, using the slightly different name al-Mithaq al-Qawmi al-Filastini, meant to reflect its origins in Nasser's Pan-Arabism.

Hastily formed under President Nasser's leadership ( but on the initiative of Syrian leaders who feared a takeover by communists or " reactionaries " and hoped to lead the new entity ), the UAR was a unitary state, not a federal union, with its critics seeing this as hardly more than a small country being annexed by a larger one.

The idea of assassinating Qasim may have been Nasser's, and there is speculation that some of those who participated in the operation received training in Damascus, which was then part of the UAR.

There was thus considerable popular support in Syria for union with Nasser's Egypt.

They believed that Nasser's were terms unfair, but given the immense pressure that their government was undergoing, they believed that they had no choice.

Unfortunately for the Ba ' ath, it was never Nasser's intention to share an equal measure of power.

Despite the economic difficulties, what truly produced the demise of the UAR was Nasser's inability to find a suitable political system for the new regime.

Gamal Abdel Nasser's daughter, Hoda, said she was not informed of her family's lineage, but suspects the claim of its Arabian descent to be accurate.

She was introduced to Nasser through her brother Abdel Hamid Kazim, a merchant friend of Nasser's, in 1943.

Nasser's first experience on the battlefield was in Palestine during the 1948 Arab – Israeli War.

He met with al-Husayni, who was impressed by him, at his office in Cairo ; however, much to Nasser's disappointment, the Egyptian Government refused to allow him to join al-Husayni's forces.

Mohieddine was informally exiled to Europe to represent the RCC abroad, and a campaign was launched by Nasser's sympathizers in the press, including Mohamed Hassanein Heikal, publicizing Naguib's contact with the Wafd.

The issue was settled in Nasser's favor when the new Sudanese government opted for " brotherly " relations with Egypt.

In general, Nasser's position was stronger due to the absence of Mohieddine and the Sudanese officers, the growth of the Liberation Rally, and because most of his original comrades in the RCC supported him and favored Naguib's removal.

Nasser's street following was still too small to sustain his plans on reform and secure him in office.

Nasser's nomination for the post was put to the public in referendum in June ; it was approved by an overwhelming majority.

" According to Aburish, this was Nasser's largest pan-Arab triumph at the time and " soon his pictures were to be found in the tents of Yemen, the souks of Marrakesh, and the posh villas of Syria.

With this, Nasser's political position was enormously enhanced by the widely perceived failure of the invasion and Anglo-French attempt to topple him.

Two days later Nasser's most serious Arab enemy in the Middle East, Nuri as-Said, the prime minister of Iraq, was also killed.

None of Nasser's old colleagues had informed him of the corruption and lawlessness undertaken by Amer and the army officers loyal to him since they thought the relationship between Nasser and Amer, his second-in-command, was solid.

In May, the Palestine Liberation Organization ( PLO ), an umbrella group that included various Palestinian factions, was founded and its head was to be Ahmad Shukeiri, Nasser's personal nominee.

Nasser's successor Anwar Al Sadat, both through public policy and his peace initiative with Israel, revived an uncontested Egyptian orientation, unequivocally asserting that only Egypt and Egyptians were his responsibility.

Following the Egyptian dictator Colonel Nasser's nationialisation of the Suez Canal Company on 26 July 1956, Menzies led a delegation to Egypt to try to force Nasser to compromise with the West.

* It would get Egyptian president Gamel Abdel Nasser's " mind on other matters " because " he need some way to get off the Soviet Hook.

Nasser's followers in Lebanon and the Egyptian embassy in Beirut — the press center of the Arab world — bought outlets of the Lebanese media to sponsor him.

The pro-Nasser forces were unable to decisively defeat the royalists who by then controlled a third of the country and as the war continued many Yemenis came to resent the Egyptian presence, despite Nasser's attempts to foster economic growth and offer military support for Sallal's government.

" Sherrif Hatatta, an Egyptian political activist who was imprisoned by Nasser for four years, claimed that " Nasser's greatest achievement was his funeral.

Ultimately, Nasser's efforts failed in this respect, and hope for democracy remained virtually absent in Egypt until the people-led Egyptian revolution of 2011.

Aware of the Egyptian people's strong political and emotional attachment to Nasser's memory, and the ideals of the Revolution, Sadat declared in his inauguration speech before the National Assembly on 7 October 1970, " I have come to you along the path of Gamal Abdel Nasser and I believe that your nomination of me to assume the responsibility of the Presidency is a nomination for me to continue the path of Nasser ".

Israel feared that this policy, which encouraged Britain to withdraw its military forces from the Suez Canal, would embolden Egyptian President Nasser's military ambitions towards Israel.

Bevan was as critical of the Egyptian dictator Colonel Nasser's seizure of the Suez Canal on 26 July 1956 as he was of the subsequent Anglo-French military response.

He told the former Prime Minister that the government's existing military plan for simply regaining control of the canal was not enough and suggested involving Israel, recording in his diary for that day: " Surely, if we landed we must seek out the Egyptian forces ; destroy them ; and bring down Nasser's government.

Ultimately, the Suez Canal remained in Egyptian hands, and Nasser's government continued its support of Arab and African national resistance movements opposed to the British Empire in the region, and the continent.

France took a more openly hostile view of Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser's material and political assistance to the FLN, which some French analysts believed was the most important element in sustaining continued rebel activity in Algeria.

Instead of supporting the claims of its NATO partners, the Eisenhower administration stated that it opposed French and British imperial adventurism in the region by sheer prudence, fearing that Egyptian leader Gamal Abdel Nasser's standoff with the region's old colonial powers would bolster Soviet power in the region.

On 17 April an agreement to unite the countries was signed, but Ba ' ath leaders complained of what they considered Egyptian president Nasser's " patronizing, bullying tone " and his insistence on a single centralized party structure under his leadership.

Although Mollet wanted to concentrate on domestic issues, he found himself confronted with a major foreign policy issue, concerning Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser's continued support for Algerian nationalists, and his nationalisation of the Suez Canal, which lead to the Suez Crisis.

Nasser's successor Anwar Al Sadat, both through public policy and his peace initiative with Israel, revived an uncontested Egyptian orientation, unequivocally asserting that only Egypt and Egyptians were his responsibility.

Abdul Rahman Al-Eryani opposed the Egyptian and Saudi interference in Yemen affairs and led with two of his colleagues, Ahmed Noaman and Mohamad Al-Zubairi, a strong movement against the foreign involvement of Nasser's Egypt in the Yemeni civil war between republicans and royalists.

* Irving Sedar and Harold J. Greenberg, Behind the Egyptian Sphinx: Nasser's strange bedfellows ; prelude to World War III ?, Philadelphia, Chilton Co., 1960

In Egypt the ANM branch merged into Nasser's Egyptian branch of the Arab Socialist Union, but were later depoliticized after an internal purge.

The Egyptian Army's cross through the Suez canal in the October 1973 / Yom Kippur War, which most Egyptians considered a strategic victory, gave Sadat the prestige to initiate a major reversal of Gamal Abdel Nasser's policies.