To justify the law MP Nasser Fadhala, a close ally of the government said " bachelors also use these houses to make alcohol, run prostitute rings or to rape children and housemaids ".

Nasser also extended his social justice principles.

" Nasser also began forming a group consisting of other young military officers with strong nationalist sentiments and who supported some form of revolution.

Abdel Hadi was also hesitant to take drastic measures against the army, especially in front of its chief-of-staff, who was present during the interrogation, and subsequently released Nasser.

Britain was also determined to prevent Nasser from achieving his stated aim of annexing the Sudan.

Nasser also enjoyed the full support of Arab nationalist organizations throughout the region, including the Arab Nationalist Movement ( ANM ), Najd al-Fatat ( in Saudi Arabia ), the Popular Front for the Liberation of Arabia, and to a certain degree the Ba ' ath party which operated in a number of countries.

Nasser also decided to cooperate with the USSR in the construction of the Aswan High Dam since the US withdrew its offer following the nationalization of the Suez Canal.

His influence on the ruling politicians also made Nasser many enemies.

Nasser was also openly considering replacing Sadat with Boghdadi ; he had since reconciled with the latter.

Nasser was a heavy smoker and there was also a history of heart disease in his family ; two of his brothers died in their fifties from the same condition.

He was also irritated by Nasser ’ s neutrality and attempts to play both sides of the Cold War.

The Germans realized Farouk's political weakness and allegedly began conspiring with Nasser and the Free Officers Movement who were also working closely with the Muslim Brotherhood, to overthrow Farouk, which finally happened in 1952.

He also faced pressure from neighboring Egypt, where Gamal Abdel Nasser had overthrown the monarchy in 1952.

He also engaged in a propaganda and media war with Egypt's pan-Arabist president, Gamal Abdel Nasser, and engaged in a proxy war with Egypt in Yemen that lasted until 1967 ( see Yemeni Civil War ).

In 1961, this first president of Indonesia also found another political alliance, an organization, called the Non-Aligned Movement ( NAM, in Indonesia known as Gerakan Non-Blok, GNB ) with Egypt's President Gamal Abdel Nasser, India's Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Yugoslavia's President Josip Broz Tito, and Ghana's President Kwame Nkrumah, in an action called The Initiative of Five ( Sukarno, Nkrumah, Nasser, Tito, and Nehru ).

Egyptian director Youssef Chahine's 1963 film Al Nasser Salah Ad-Din also shows Scott's influence in its hostility towards Conrad ( played by Mahmoud El-Meliguy ) and Philip, while depicting Richard more favourably.

Yockey also met Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser, and wrote anti-Zionist propaganda on behalf of the Egyptian government, seeing Arab nationalism as another ally to challenge " the Jewish-American power.

The Nasser brothers, who built the theater and still own it, also owned several movie houses in the San Francisco area.

The continuity is apparent not only in these targets but also the participants: the same individuals who followed Nasser or Marx in the 1960s are Islamists today.

He has also met with several Palestinian Authority officials, including former Education Minister and Hamas leader Nasser al-Shaer.

Hadhramis have also settled in large numbers along the East African coast, and two former ministers in Kenya, Shariff Nasser and Najib Balala, are of Hadhrami descent.

Nasser also had his reputation as an anti-colonial force, setting his sights on ridding South Yemen, and its strategic port city of Aden, of British forces.

Among those laid off were long-time 6 p. m. co-anchor Anne Mroczkowski and reporters Farah Nasser, Jee Yun Lee, Laura Di Battista, Marianne Dimain, Merella Fernandez and Michael Serapio ; Pam Seatle was also let go but returned one month later.

During Nasser ’ s experiment with Arab socialism ; the ‘ Urabi revolt was also sometimes put in a Marxist context.

In January 1964, Nasser called for an Arab League summit in Cairo, with the stated purpose of establishing a unified Arab response against Israel's plans to divert water from the Jordan River to irrigate the Negev Desert.

Although he discouraged Syria and Palestinian paramilitary factions from provoking the Israelis, admitting that he had no plans for war with Israel, Nasser nonetheless called for the creation of the United Arab Command ( UAC ).

In November 1967, Nasser accepted UN Resolution 242 which ambiguously called for Israel's withdrawal from territories acquired in war.

In June 1970, Nasser with support from King Hussein accepted the US-sponsored Rogers Plan which called for an end to hostilities and an Israeli withdrawal from Egyptian territory, but it was immediately rejected by Israel and the PLO, as well as most of the Arab states.

Yockey met Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser, whom he called " a great and vigorous man ", in Cairo in 1953.

Nasserist textbooks called the Urabi revolution a “ national revolution ,” but ‘ Urabi was seen as making great strategic mistakes and not being as much of a man of the people as Nasser.

In 1987 the Iranian director Nasser Taghvai adopted the novel into a nationalized version called Captain Khorshid which took the events from Cuba to the shores of the Persian Gulf.

In July, Egypt and Jordan accepted the U. S .- backed Rogers Plan that called for a cease fire in the War of Attrition between Egypt and Israel and for Israel's negotiated withdrawal from territories occupied in 1967, according to the United Nations Security Council Resolution 242, but the plan mentioned the West Bank to be under King Hussein's authority and that was unacceptable for the more radical organizations ; the PLO, George Habash's Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine ( PFLP ), and Naif Hawatmeh's Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine ( DFLP ) opposed the plan, criticized and scandalized Nasser.

Born in Egypt, Darwish is the daughter of an Egyptian Army lieutenant general, who was called a " shahid " by the Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser, after being killed in a targeted killing by the Israeli Defense Forces in 1956.

An inlaid door near the mausoleum of Nasser al-Din Shah, ( This place used to be called Masjid-i-Holaku, prior to its being turned into a tomb ) which bears the date 1450 CE, i. e., the period of Shah-rokh Bahadur Timurid ` s reign, constitutes another historical relic of this structure.

Nasser was provoked to action by a harshly critical statement made by Bakdash, who called for transformation of the UAR into a loose federation.

1956 saw the introduction of what are called the “ Socialist Laws ” in Egypt and the nationalization of many economic sectors under the Nasser regime.

What angered Dulles much more was Nasser ’ s recognition of communist China, which was in direct conflict with Dulles's policy of containment.

When Nasser discovered that her songs were forbidden from being aired on the radio, he reportedly said something to the effect of " What are they, crazy?

Although Nasser claimed no intention to covet Lebanon, seeing it as a " special case ," he backed his supporters in the country through sending money, light arms, and training officers in order to prevent Chamoun from gaining a second term as president.

During this time, Nasser became highly concerned with Amer's inability to train and modernize the army, as well as the state within a state he created by transforming the army and the intelligence apparatus — the latter was led by Salah Nasr — into " a separate fiefdom loyal to him personally ," according to Aburish.

Despite having a part in arranging Amer's suicide, Nasser spoke of losing " the person closest to ," and did not fully recover from the psychological blow.

The millions of previously poor Egyptians who had joined the middle class under the Nasser regime through education and jobs as doctors, engineers, teachers, lawyers, journalists for the government or parastatals, were left stuck in an " increasingly marginalized, stagnant and low-paying public sector ," under al-infitah.

Nur Masalha translates it as " peasants ," although Palestinian anthropologist Nasser Abufarha says that translation misrepresents Palestinian fellahin society, because traditional European usage refers to someone who does not own the land they farm, whereas the fellahin of Palestine own the land, and the means of production, together.