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That is why we can call it the programmed society, because this phrase captures its capacity to create models of management, production, organization, distribution, and consumption, so that such a society appears, at all its functional levels, as the product of an action exercised by the society itself, and not as the outcome of natural laws or cultural specificities " ( Touraine 1988: 104 ).
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is and why
And if he is so scornful of the rights of states, why not advocate a different sort of constitution that he could more sincerely support??
But it is more than irony: one of the main reasons why nationalism is no longer a tenable concept is because it has spread throughout the planet.
Lucretius has remarked: `` The reason why all Mortals are so gripped by fear is that they see all sorts of things happening in the earth and sky with no discernable cause, and these they attribute to the will of God ''.
That is why the form itself becomes a preoccupation, because it exists as a problem separate from the material it accommodates.
That is why, the argument runs, the squares are so fearful of jazz and yet perversely fascinated by it.
`` The Rocking Horse Winner '' is a fantasy with extraordinary power to disturb the reader -- but we do not know why.
It is a characteristic of thoughts that in re-thinking them we come, ipso facto, to understand why they were thought ''.
Because of these involvements in the matter at stake, Boniface lacked the impartiality that is supposed to be an essential qualification for the position of arbiter, and in retrospect that would seem to be sufficient reason why the English embassies to the Curia proved so fruitless.
Conceived as an organ of economic cooperation, there is no reason why O.E.C.D. cannot evolve into a broader instrument of union if its members so desire.
The schedules are flexible so that the program can be accelerated as the public becomes more tolerant or realizes that it is something that has to be done, `` so why not now ''.
That is why the United Nations was formed so that intelligent men with good intentions from all countries could meet and solve problems without resorting to war.
Armed Forces Day is the annual report on this investment, a public presentation designed to give our own people, and the people of other lands who stand with us for peace with freedom and justice, the best possible opportunity to see and understand what we have and why we have it.
That we had the wit and wisdom to adopt Mr. Lowell's concept and make it the base for our processes of selection is one reason why our selections have been, it may be said truly, pretty uniformly good.
Really there is no reason why this fine exercise should not find its way into your leg program at all times, for the following suggestions show why it is so effective: 1.
is and we
For better or for worse, we all now live in welfare states, the organizing principle of which is collective responsibility for individual well-being.
It is well then that in this hour both of `` national peril '' and of `` national opportunity '' we can take counsel with the men who made the nation.
But it is characteristic of him, we are told, `` his little artifice '', to be able to introduce `` into a fairly vulgar and humorous piece of hackwork a sudden phrase of genuine creative art ''.
As a word of caution, we should be aware that in actual practice no message is purely one of the four types, question, command, statement, or exclamation.
This is an unsolved problem which probably has never been seriously investigated, although one frequently hears the comment that we have insufficient specialists of the kind who can compete with the Germans or Swiss, for example, in precision machinery and mathematics, or the Finns in geochemistry.
So we see that a specialist is a man who knows more and more about less and less as he develops, as contrasted to the generalist, who knows less and less about more and more.
What I am here to do is to report on the gyrations of the struggle -- a struggle that amounts to self-redefinition -- to see if we can predict its future course.
One of the obvious conclusions we can make on the basis of the last election, I suppose, is that we, the majority, were dissatisfied with Eisenhower conservatism.
One way to determine whether we have so dangerous a technology would be to check the strength of our society's organs to see if their functioning is as healthy as before.
In any event, whether society may have cancer, or merely a virus infection, the `` disease '', we shall find, is political, economical, social, and even medical.
We have proved so able to solve technological problems that to contend we cannot realize a universal goal in the immediate future is to be extremely shortsighted, if nothing else.
But is the result new barnsful of tested knowledge on the basis of which we can with confidence solve our domestic and international problems??
`` The Moral Creed '' and `` The Will To Risk '' live happily together, if we do not examine where the line is to be drawn.
So it is that we relive his opening statement in the first television address with the dramatic immediacy of the present.
As a means of silencing a discussion which ought to have taken place, the statement is an effective one: we sympathize with the universal confusion which gives rise to such convictions.
But because it is the function of the mind to turn the one into the other by means of the capacities with which words endow it, we do not unwisely examine the type of distinction, in the sphere of politics, on which decisions hang.
The liberal-conservative division, we might observe in passing, is not of itself directly involved in a private interest conflict nor even in struggle between ruling groups.
At that point we reach the `` closed '' historical situation: the situation in which man is no longer free to return to a status quo ante.
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