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Page "Sandinista National Liberation Front" ¶ 45
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FDN and
The FDN was controlled by former Somocista ( as Pastora called them ) officers and men of the infamous National Guard.
“ You ve got the hierarchy of the FDN sitting there ; you ve got a representative, this guy Owen, from the NSC, CIA.

FDN and Fuerza
The CIA and Argentine intelligence, seeking to unify the anti-Sandinista cause before initiating large-scale aid, persuaded the 15 September Legion, the UDN and several former smaller groups to merge in August 1981 as the Nicaraguan Democratic Force ( Fuerza Democrática Nicaragüense, FDN ).
Armed opposition to the Sandinista Government eventually divided into two main groups: The Fuerza Democrática Nicaragüense ( FDN ), a U. S. supported army formed in 1981 by the CIA, U. S. State Department, and former members of the widely condemned Somoza-era Nicaraguan National Guard ; and the Alianza Revolucionaria Democratica ( ARDE ) Democratic Revolutionary Alliance, a group that had existed since before the FSLN and was led by Sandinista founder and former FSLN supreme commander, Edén Pastora, a. k. a. " Commander Zero ".
* Nicaraguan Democratic Force, Fuerza Democrática Nicaragüense ( FDN )

FDN and opposition
* Anti-Somozistas who had supported the revolution but felt betrayed by the Sandinista government – e. g. Edgar Chamorro, prominent member of the political directorate of the FDN, or Jose Francisco Cardenal, who had briefly served in the Council of State before leaving Nicaragua out of disagreement with the Sandinista government's policies and founding the Nicaraguan Democratic Union ( UDN ), an opposition group of Nicaraguan exiles in Miami.
The strong ties to Somoza decreased the potential to gain domestic support for the FDN, and prevented the U. S. guided unification operation, UNO: “ The contra war had to be sold to Congress and the public as the struggle of an opposition united against the regime in Managua .” The revolutionary hero and commander of the contra force of southern Nicaragua ARDE ( Nicaraguan Democratic Revolutionary Alliance ), Eden Pastora, refused to cooperate with the FDN.
However, while adamantine in his opposition to the Sandinistas, he absolutely refused to have anything to do with the much larger contra group in Honduras, the FDN.

FDN and group
The Misurasata movement split in 1983, with the breakaway Misura group of Stedman Fagoth Muller allying itself more closely with the FDN, and the rest accommodating themselves with the Sandinista government.
Several groups, however, disputed this: including UNO, a broad coalition of anti-Sandinista activists, COSEP, an organization of business leaders, the Contra group " FDN ", organized by former Somozan-era National Guardsmen, landowners, businessmen, peasant highlanders, and what some claimed as their patron, the U. S. government.
In 1983 the Misurasata movement, led by Brooklyn Rivera, split, with the breakaway Misura group of Stedman Fagoth allying itself more closely with the FDN, one of the first Contra commanded by Enrique Bermúdez.
When the Somoza government was overthrown in 1979, Blandón fled to the United States, and then raised money for the Nicaraguan Democratic Force ( FDN ), a Contra group.

FDN and Contras
Military achievements aside, the presence of Pastora, a former FSLN revolutionary hero, among the Contras, helped the public image of the Contras abroad and provided a sort of public-relations counterweight to the bad reputation accorded to the FDN faction ( mostly led by ex-National-Guard " Somocistas ").

FDN and chief
On December 28, 1983, the FDN announced the formation of a civic-military board, consisting of Calero as president and commander-in-chief, Bermúdez as military commander, Chamorro as communications chief, and Rodríguez as chief of civil services.

FDN and had
* Ex-guardsmen of the Nicaraguan National Guard and other right wing figures who had fought for Nicaragua's ex-dictator Somoza – these later were especially found in the military wing of the FDN.
Although the FDN had its roots in two groups made up of former National Guardsmen ( of the Somoza regime ), its joint political directorate was led by businessman and former anti-Somoza activist Adolfo Calero Portocarrero.
To the contrary, the Agency severely criticized me when I admitted to the press that the FDN had regularly kidnapped and executed agrarian reform workers and civilians.

FDN and according
The following year, the FDN elected Cárdenas as presidential candidate for the 1988 presidential election which was won by Carlos Salinas de Gortari, obtaining 50. 89 % of the votes ( according to official figures ) versus 32 % of Cárdenas.

FDN and former
Based in Honduras, Nicaragua's northern neighbor, under the command of former National Guard Colonel Enrique Bermúdez, the new FDN commenced to draw in other smaller insurgent forces in the north.
The new FDN also began assimilating the MILPAS movement, bands led by disenchanted former MAP-ML guerrillas.
The FDN military was under the command of former National Guard colonel Enrique Bermúdez.

FDN and .
Among the separate contra groups, the Nicaraguan Democratic Force ( FDN ) emerged as the largest by far.
Then on 21 December 1987, the FDN launched attacks at La Bonanza, La Siuna, and La Rosita in Zelaya province, resulting in heavy fighting.
During the Contra war, the Sandinistas arrested suspected members of the Contra militias and censored publications they accused of collaborating with the enemy ( i. e. the U. S., the FDN, and ARDE, among others ).
It later formed an alliance, called the Nicaraguan Democratic Force ( FDN ), which comprised other groups including MISURASATA and the Nicaraguan Democratic Union.

FDN and for
This time no one was under the illusion that it was a deed by the FDN, ironically the event came as a surprise for them as well.
In 1988 he broke with the PRI and won a seat in the Senate running as a candidate for the leftist Frente Democrático Nacional ( FDN ) coalition.

and s
The AMPAS was originally conceived by Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer studio boss Louis B. Mayer as a professional honorary organization to help improve the film industry s image and help mediate labor disputes.
The International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences defines psychological altruism as " a motivational state with the goal of increasing another s welfare ".
Psychological altruism is contrasted with psychological egoism, which refers to the motivation to increase one s own welfare.
One way is a sincere expression of Christian love, " motivated by a powerful feeling of security, strength, and inner salvation, of the invincible fullness of one s own life and existence ".
Another way is merely " one of the many modern substitutes for love, ... nothing but the urge to turn away from oneself and to lose oneself in other people s business.
* David Firestone-When Romney s Reach Exceeds His Grasp-Mitt Romney quotes the song
" Swift extends the metaphor to get in a few jibes at England s mistreatment of Ireland, noting that " For this kind of commodity will not bear exportation, and flesh being of too tender a consistence, to admit a long continuance in salt, although perhaps I could name a country, which would be glad to eat up our whole nation without it.
George Wittkowsky argued that Swift s main target in A Modest Proposal was not the conditions in Ireland, but rather the can-do spirit of the times that led people to devise a number of illogical schemes that would purportedly solve social and economic ills.
In response, Swift s Modest Proposal was " a burlesque of projects concerning the poor ", that were in vogue during the early 18th century.
Critics differ about Swift s intentions in using this faux-mathematical philosophy.
Charles K. Smith argues that Swift s rhetorical style persuades the reader to detest the speaker and pity the Irish.
Swift s specific strategy is twofold, using a " trap " to create sympathy for the Irish and a dislike of the narrator who, in the span of one sentence, " details vividly and with rhetorical emphasis the grinding poverty " but feels emotion solely for members of his own class.
Swift s use of gripping details of poverty and his narrator s cool approach towards them create " two opposing points of view " that " alienate the reader, perhaps unconsciously, from a narrator who can view with ' melancholy ' detachment a subject that Swift has directed us, rhetorically, to see in a much less detached way.
Once the children have been commodified, Swift s rhetoric can easily turn " people into animals, then meat, and from meat, logically, into tonnage worth a price per pound ".
Swift uses the proposer s serious tone to highlight the absurdity of his proposal.
In making his argument, the speaker uses the conventional, text book approved order of argument from Swift s time ( which was derived from the Latin rhetorician Quintilian ).
James Johnson argued that A Modest Proposal was largely influenced and inspired by Tertullian s Apology: a satirical attack against early Roman persecution of Christianity.
Johnson notes Swift s obvious affinity for Tertullian and the bold stylistic and structural similarities between the works A Modest Proposal and Apology.
He reminds readers that " there is a gap between the narrator s meaning and the text s, and that a moral-political argument is being carried out by means of parody ".

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