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Page "belles_lettres" ¶ 1348
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United and States
In every war of the United States since the Civil War the South was more belligerent than the rest of the country.
Thus, to cite but one example, the Pax Britannica of the nineteenth century, whether with the British navy ruling the seas or with the City of London ruling world finance, was strictly national in motivation, however much other nations ( e.g., the United States ) may have incidentally benefited.
National responsibility for individual welfare is a concept not limited to the United States or even to the Western nations.
( Since the time-span of the nation-state coincides roughly with the separate existence of the United States as an independent entity, it is perhaps natural for Americans to think of the nation as representative of the highest form of order, something permanent and unchanging.
In recent weeks, as a result of a sweeping defense policy reappraisal by the Kennedy Administration, basic United States strategy has been modified -- and large new sums allocated -- to meet the accidental-war danger and to reduce it as quickly as possible.
Its radar screens would register Soviet missiles shortly after they are launched against the United States.
In 1938, at the insistence of Arturo Toscanini, Steinberg left Germany for the United States, by way of Switzerland.
After he had spent the first three years in New York as associate conductor, at Toscanini's invitation, of the NBC Orchestra, he made numerous guest appearances throughout the United States and Latin America.
`` Then I return to the United States for engagements at the Hollywood Bowl and in Philadelphia '', he added.
The difference came down to this: The Southern States insisted that the United States was, in last analysis, what its name implied -- a Union of States.
`` we the People of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common Defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America ''.
The 140,414 Americans who gave `` the last full measure of devotion '' to prevent disunion, preserved individual freedom in the United States from the dangers of anarchy, inherent in confederations, which throughout history have proved fatal in the end to all associations composed primarily of sovereign states, and to the liberties of their people.
There one finds concentrated in a comparatively small area the chief universities, colleges, and preparatory schools of the United States.
The rise of the giant corporations in Western Europe and the United States dates from the period 1880-1900.
He says: `` beside the Protestant philosophy of Progress, as expressed in radical or conservative millenarianism, should be placed the doctrine of the democratic faith which affirmed it to be the duty of the destiny of the United States to assist in the creation of a better world by keeping lighted the beacon of democracy ''.
During the next five years liberal leaders in the United States sank in the cumulative confusion attendant upon and manifested in a negative policy of Containment -- and the bitterest irony -- enforced and enforceable only by threat of a weapon that we felt the greatest distaste for but could not abandon: the atom bomb.
And here again we hear the same refrain mentioned above: `` the paramount goal of the United States set long ago was to guard the rights of the individual, ensure his development, enlarge his opportunity ''.
`` I arrived in the United States with the idea of establishing myself there more or less permanently and finding inspiration for new compositions ''.
This is the good kind of sophistication, and with all our problems and crises this kind of sophistication has flowered in the United States during recent years.
but Wright stayed in the United States.

United and might
It is world-wide knowledge that any power which might be tempted today to attack the United States by surprise, even though we might sustain great losses, would itself promptly suffer a terrible destruction.
A nuclear pacifier of these dimensions -- roughly some six and a half times bigger than anything the United States has triggered experimentally -- would certainly produce a bigger bang, and, just for kicks, Khrushchev might use it to propel the seminar of the house of delegates from St. Louis to the moon, where there wouldn't even be any beer to drink.
In cooperating toward that objective, OAS might move with the speed and effectiveness demonstrated by the United States.
Peace Corps volunteers obviously should not be paid what they might earn in comparable activities in the United States.
It is well to bear in mind that gasoline will cost from $.80 to $.90 for the equivalent of a United States gallon and while you might prefer a familiar Ford, Chevrolet or even a Cadillac, which are available in some countries, it is probably wiser to choose the smaller European makes which average thirty, thirty-five and even forty miles to the gallon.
and in at least one instance, involving refund claims, it might be contrary to another provision of the United States Code.
Fearful of inviting a military showdown with the West which they could not win, the Communists seek to undermine Western power where the nuclear might of the West is irrelevant -- in backwoods guerrilla skirmishes, in mob uprisings in the streets, in parliaments, in clandestine meetings of undercover conspirators, at the United Nations, on the propaganda front, at diplomatic conferences -- preferably at the highest level.
In Inside Africa, John Gunther describes one of these, the Societe Generale, as `` the kind of colossus that might be envisaged if, let us say, the House of Morgan, Anaconda Copper, the Mutual Life Insurance Company of New York, the Pennsylvania Railroad, and various companies producing agricultural products were lumped together, with the United States government as a heavy partner ''.
Historically, the size of farms and landed estates in the United Kingdom was usually expressed in acres ( or acres, roods, and perches ), even if the number of acres was so large that it might conveniently have been expressed in square miles.
This allowed for awards where U. S. service members might be involved in an armed conflict where the United States was not a belligerent.
Prince Sihanouk, fearing that the conflict between communist North Vietnam and South Vietnam might spill over to Cambodia, publicly opposed the idea of a bombing campaign by the United States along the Vietnam-Cambodia border and inside Cambodian territory.
However, there are three important factors that set aside monarchies such as the United Kingdom from systems where greater power might otherwise rest with Parliament.
Outside of Mexican American communities, the term might assume a negative meaning if it is used in a manner that embodies the prejudices and bigotries long directed at Mexican and Mexican-American people in the United States.
It might be as small as Christ Church Cathedral in Oxford, England, Sacred Heart Cathedral in Raleigh, United States, or Chur Cathedral in Switzerland.
The division between the United Kingdom during the government of Margaret Thatcher which resisted the call for sanctions and African Commonwealth countries was intense at times and led to speculation that the organization might collapse.
The European Court of Human Rights did not rule upon the right to life until 1995, when in McCann v. United Kingdom it ruled that the exception contained in the second paragraph do not constitute situations when it is permitted to kill, but situations where it is permitted to use force which might result in the deprivation of life.
Foods of this kind present a problem because the hidden gluten constitutes a hazard for people with celiac disease: In the United States, at least, gluten might not be listed on the labels of such foods because the U. S. Food and Drug Administration has classified gluten as GRAS ( generally recognized as safe ).
Determined to avoid an international conflict, the United States, after some hesitation, offered to meditate the dispute, hinting to the Honduran president that if he refused the offer, open intervention might follow.
In the early 2000s, there had been speculation that the United Nations might signal a takeover of ICANN, followed by a negative reaction from the US government and worries about a division of the Internet the World Summit on the Information Society in Tunisia in November 2005 agreed not to get involved in the day-to-day and technical operations of ICANN.
Adams realized that this might allow the United States to realize his dream of building a national institution of science and learning.
Wright also speculates that the CIA may have been protecting intelligence operations overseas, and might have been eying Mihdhar and Hazmi as recruitment targets to obtain intelligence on al-Qaeda, although the CIA was not authorized to operate in the United States and might have been leaving them for Saudi intelligence to recruit.

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