Secondly, the mukta is not just a friend for all, he even strives for their freedom as well.

In Uttara-Mīmāṃsā or Vedānta ( 4. 4. 5-7 ), Bāḍarāyaṇa cites Jaimini as saying ( ब ् र ा ह ् म े ण ज ै म ि न ि र ू पन ् य ा स ा द ि भ ् य ः) "( The mukta Puruṣa is united with the Brahman ) as if it were like the Brahman, because descriptions ( in Śruti etc ) prove so ".

For a self realized person, a Jivan mukta, there is no Ichha-Prarabdha but the two others, Anichha and Parechha, remain, which even a jivan mukta has to undergo.

Jivana mukta ( from the Sanskrit words jiva and mukti ) is someone who, in the Advaita philosophy of Hinduism, has gained dradh nishthaa, firmly assimilated knowledge of the Self-and is liberated while living in a human body, free from rebirth.

Sikhism rejects the idea of considering renunciation as the vesture of a jivan mukta.

In 4. 3. 12, Bādarāyana again cites Jaimini as saying that the mukta Purusha attains Brahman.

`` Exterminatin' cow thieves is just a business proposition with me '', he'd blandly announce.

But there's one thing I never seen or heard of, one thing I just don't think there is, and that's a sportin' way o' killin' a man ''!!

I seized the rack and made a western-style flying-mount just in time, one of my knees mercifully landing on my duffel bag -- and merely wrecking my camera, I was to discover later -- my other knee landing on the slivery truck floor boards and -- but this is no medical report.

`` I'd like to know just which it is that those guys don't understand, the liquor or automobiles ''.

Accidental war is so sensitive a subject that most of the people who could become directly involved in one are told just enough so they can perform their portions of incredibly complex tasks.

It is the gait of the human who must run to live: arms dangling, legs barely swinging over the ground, head hung down and only occasionally swinging up to see the target, a loose motion that is just short of stumbling and yet is wonderfully graceful.

`` I have just come from viewing a man who had made the fortune of his country, but now is working all night in order to support his family '', he reflected.

For the family is the simplest example of just such a unit, composed of people, which gives us both some immunity from, and a way of dealing with, other people.

Mann understood better than most men the incest comedy at the center of the myth and the psychological truth in which dread is shown as the other face as longing was for him just the kind of deep and complicated joke he liked to tell.

The strongest appeal of the Copernican formulation consisted in just this: ideally, the justification for dealing with special problems in particular ways is completely set out in the basic ' rules ' of the theory.

De Revolutionibus is not just a collection of facts and techniques.

One, a reservation on the point I have just made, is the phenomenon of pseudo-thinking, pseudo-feeling, and pseudo-willing, which Fromm discussed in The Escape From Freedom.

`` Ah, then please tell me where the frontier is because this gentleman here '' -- I indicated the French occupation officer -- `` informs me that Germany is just on the other side of him ''.

To obey the moral law is just ordinary common sense, applied to a neglected field.

Plato is, at times, just as suspicious of the poets themselves as he is of their work.

Had Churchill been returned to office in 1945, it is just possible that Britain, instead of standing fearfully aloof, would have led Europe toward union.

Let us see just how typical Krim is.

The probable answer is that it will do so just as long as Russia can exercise a veto in favor of chaos and until young African nations wake up to the truth that out of false pride they are visiting ruin on Central Africa.

This angle of just where the Orioles can look for improvement this year is an interesting one.

When different colors are used, she is just as likely to color trees purple, hair green, etc..

I am referring to this country conducting atmosphere tests of nuclear bombs just because Russia is.

Recognizing that the Rule of Law is `` a dynamic concept which should be employed not only to safeguard the civil and political rights of the individual in a free society '', the Congress asserted that it also included the responsibility `` to establish social, economic, educational and cultural conditions under which his legitimate aspirations and dignity may be realized ''.

The content is not the same, however: rather than individual security, it is the security and continuing existence of an `` ideological group '' -- those in the `` free world '' -- that is basic.

To him, law is the command of the sovereign ( the English monarch ) who personifies the power of the nation, while sovereignty is the power to make law -- i.e., to prevail over internal groups and to be free from the commands of other sovereigns in other nations.

An order can be chanced rather than chosen, and this approach produces an experience that is `` free and discovered rather than bound and remembered ''.

Yet often fear persists because, even with the most rigid ritual, one is never quite free from the uneasy feeling that one might make some mistake or that in every previous execution one had been unaware of the really decisive act.

Hence the prime issue, as I see it, is whether a democratic or free society can master technology for the benefit of mankind, or whether technology will rule and develop its own society compatible with its own needs as a force of nature.

At that point we reach the `` closed '' historical situation: the situation in which man is no longer free to return to a status quo ante.

Since the slogans have little application to reality and are sanctimonious to boot, the applause is faint even in areas of the world where we should expect to find the greatest affection for free government.

Although we continue to pay our conversational devotions to `` free private enterprise '', `` individual initiative '', `` the democratic way '', `` government of the people '', `` competition of the marketplace '', etc., we live rather comfortably in a society in which economic competition is diminishing in large areas, bureaucracy is corroding representative government, technology is weakening the citizen's confidence in his own power to make decisions, and the threat of war is driving him economically and physically into the ground ''.

The new spirit, so well illustrated by Mr. Lyford's work, is wholly free of this anxiety.

The Agreeable Autocracies is an attempt to explore some of the institutions which both reflect and determine the character of the free society today.

It is not implied that formal principles and procedures are so firmly entrenched within the public order of the world community or even of free commonwealths that they will control in all circumstances involving Jews and Gentiles during coming years.

Even to be `` from hope and fear set free '' is at least better than to have lost the first without having got rid of the second.

`` This '', he said, `` is exactly what has been happening between the politically free nations in the postwar world.

What is required is the full implementation of Article 2 of the Treaty, which provides: `` The Parties will contribute toward the further development of peaceful and friendly international relations by strengthening their free institutions, by bringing about a better understanding of the principles upon which these institutions are founded, and by promoting conditions of stability and well-being.

That time is now past and the Atlantic nations, if they are to survive, must develop a full-fledged community, and they must also look beyond the frontiers of `` Western civilization '' toward a world-wide `` concert of free nations ''.

The burden of these reflections is that a broader unity among the free nations is at the core of our needs.