Johnston kept the Union forces, now under the overall command of the ponderous Maj. Gen. Henry Halleck, confused and hesitant to move, allowing Johnston to reach his objective undetected.

Johnston now planned to defeat the Union forces piecemeal before the various Union units in Kentucky and Tennessee under Grant with 40, 000 men at nearby Pittsburg Landing, Tennessee, and the now Maj. Gen. Don Carlos Buell on his way from Nashville with 35, 000 men, could unite against him.

) His men were routed when they encountered Maj. Gen. James Longstreet's corps, but by the following day, August 30, he took command of the division when Hatch was wounded, and he led his men to cover the retreat of the Union Army.

The ostensible reason was a report by XI Corps commander Maj. Gen. Oliver O. Howard that Doubleday's corps broke first, causing the entire Union line to collapse, but Meade also had a long history of disdain for Doubleday's combat effectiveness, dating back to South Mountain.

During the 1864 Overland Campaign, Union Maj. Gen. Philip Sheridan's cavalry launched an offensive to defeat Stuart, who was mortally wounded at the Battle of Yellow Tavern.

He was nearly captured and lost his signature plumed hat and cloak to pursuing Federals during a raid in August, but in a retaliatory raid at Catlett's Station the following day, managed to overrun Union army commander Maj. Gen. John Pope's headquarters, and not only captured Pope's full uniform, but also intercepted orders that provided Lee with valuable intelligence concerning reinforcements for Pope's army.

He misjudged the Union routes of advance, ignorant of the Union force threatening Turner's Gap, and required assistance from the infantry of Maj. Gen. D. H. Hill to defend the South Mountain passes in the Battle of South Mountain.

The Union advances achieved by Maj. Gen. Grant and Adm. Foote at Forts Henry and Donelson caused significant concern in the Confederate government.

After the Battle of Chickamauga, Confederate General Braxton Bragg forced Maj. Gen. William Rosecrans's Army of the Cumberland to retreat into Chattanooga, a central railway hub, surrounded the city and kept the Union army from escaping.

Though Bragg's army had not been captured, the decisive battle opened Georgia and the heartland of the Confederacy to Union invasion by Maj. Gen. Sherman.

After Grant and the Army of the Potomac had successfully crossed the James River undetected by Lee and rescued Maj. Gen. Butler from the Bermuda Hundred, Grant advanced the Union army southward to capture Petersburg.

Maj. Gen. Sheridan was given command of the Union Army of the Shenandoah and directed to " follow the enemy to their death ".

Lee attempted to link up with the remnants of Confederate General Joe Johnson's defeated army ; however, Union cavalry forces led by Maj. Gen. Phil Sheridan were able to stop the two armies from converging.

The campaign pitted Union Army Maj. Gen. Joseph Hooker's Army of the Potomac against an army less than half its size, Gen. Robert E. Lee's Confederate Army of Northern Virginia.

Union cavalry under Maj. Gen. George Stoneman began a long distance raid against Lee's supply lines at about the same time.

The Battle of Fredericksburg was fought December 11 – 15, 1862, in and around Fredericksburg, Virginia, between General Robert E. Lee's Confederate Army of Northern Virginia and the Union Army of the Potomac, commanded by Maj. Gen. Ambrose E. Burnside.

On the morning of May 5, the Union V Corps under Maj. Gen. Gouverneur K. Warren attacked the Confederate Second Corps, commanded by Lt. Gen. Richard S. Ewell, on the Orange Turnpike.

An evening attack by Maj. Gen. John B. Gordon against the Union right flank caused consternation at Union headquarters, but the lines stabilized and fighting ceased.

On May 8, Union Maj. Gens.

He executed well as a rear guard commander at Yorktown and Williamsburg, delaying the advance of Union Maj. Gen. George B. McClellan's army toward Richmond.

Jackson started the campaign under Lee's orders with a sweeping flanking maneuver that placed his corps into the rear of Union Maj. Gen. John Pope's Army of Virginia, but he then took up a defensive position and effectively invited Pope to assault him.

That test, as President Kennedy forthrightly depicted it in his State of the Union message, will determine `` whether a nation organized and governed such as ours can endure ''.

Author of the Albany Plan Of Union, which, had it been adopted, might have avoided the Revolution, he fought the colonists' front-line battles in London, negotiated the treaty of alliance with France and the peace that ended the war, headed the state government of Pennsylvania, and exercised an important moderating influence at the Federal Convention.

In his political testament, `` Advice To My Country '', penned just before his death, Madison expressed the wish `` that the Union of the States be cherished and perpetuated.

The people everywhere had grown meanwhile in devotion to basic democratic principles, in understanding of and belief in the federal balance, and in love of their Union.

The difference came down to this: The Southern States insisted that the United States was, in last analysis, what its name implied -- a Union of States.

This right of the State, its upholders contended, was essential to maintain the federal balance and protect the liberty of the people from the danger of centralizing power in the Union government.

The champions of the Union maintained that the Constitution had formed, fundamentally, the united people of America, that it was a compact among sovereign citizens rather than states, and that therefore the states had no right to secede, though the citizens could.

But though each of its members had asserted this right against the Union, the final Constitution which the Confederacy signed on March 11 -- nearly a month before hostilities began -- included no explicit provision authorizing a state to secede.

The Constitution of the Southern `` Confederation '' differed from that of the Federal Union only in two important respects: It openly, defiantly, recognized slavery -- an institution which the Southerners of 1787, even though they continued it, found so impossible to reconcile with freedom that they carefully avoided mentioning the word in the Federal Constitution.

`` we the People of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common Defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America ''.

But though the Southern States, when drafting a constitution to unite themselves, narrowed the difference to this fine point by omitting to assert the right to secede, the fact remained that by seceding from the Union they had already acted on the concept that it was composed primarily of sovereign states.

If the Union conceded this to them, the same right must be conceded to each remaining state whenever it saw fit to secede: This would destroy the federal balance between it and the states, and in the end sacrifice to the sovereignty of the states all the liberty the citizens had gained by their Union.

Lincoln saw that the act of secession made the issue for the Union a vital one: Whether it was a Union of sovereign citizens that should continue to live, or an association of sovereign states that must fall prey either to `` anarchy or despotism ''.

Though his election was interpreted by many Southerners as the forerunner of a dangerous shift in the federal balance in favor of the Union, Lincoln himself proposed no such change in the rights the Constitution gave the states.

After the war began, he long refused to permit emancipation of the slaves by Union action even in the Border States that stayed with the Union.

He issued his Emancipation Proclamation only when he felt that necessity left him no other way to save the Union.

What Lincoln could not concede was that the states rather than the people were sovereign in the Union.

It is much less difficult now than in Lincoln's day to see that on both sides sovereign Americans had given their lives in the Civil War to maintain the balance between the powers they had delegated to the States and to their Union.

The lives so many of them gave, to forestall what they believed would be a fatal encroachment by the Union on the powers reserved to their states have continued ever since to safeguard all Americans against freedom's other foe.

At one time it seemed as if the Soviet Union had done us a favor by providing a striking example of how not to behave towards other peoples and other nations.

Young Morris, who, while attending the University of Pennsylvania, also taught and edited a paper, found time to write Henrietta twenty-page letters on everything that engaged his interest, from the acting of Sarah Bernhardt in Philadelphia to his reactions to the comments of `` Sulamith '' on the Jewish reform movement being promulgated by the Hebrew Union College in Cincinnati.

and in her forthright way, Henrietta, who in her story of Sara had indicated her own unwillingness `` to think of men as the privileged '' and `` women as submissive and yielding '', felt obliged to defend vigorously any statement of hers to which Morris Jastrow took the slightest exception -- he objected to her stand on the Corbin affair, as well as on the radical reforms of Dr. Wise of Hebrew Union College -- until once, in sheer desperation, he wrote that he had given up hope they would ever agree on anything.