By this time however, the influence of Slobodan Milošević was confined to Serbia only as Montenegro had experienced internal regime change in 1996 when former Milošević ally Milo Đukanović reversed his policies, showed resilience by becoming leader of his party and subsequently dismissing former Montenegrin leader Momir Bulatović, a man who remained loyal to Milošević.

As Bulatović was given central positions in Belgrade from that time ( as such national Prime Minister ), Đukanović continued to govern Montenegro and isolated his republic from Serbia so that from 1996 to 2006, Montenegro and Serbia were only nominally one country-governance at every feasible level was conducted locally ( Belgrade for Serbia and Podgorica for Montenegro ).

During autumn 1999, following the Kosovo War and the NATO bombing campaign, Đukanović ( who by now firmly held power in Montenegro as Bulatović was completely squeezed out ) drafted a document called Platforma za redefiniciju odnosa Crne Gore i Srbije ( A platform for redefinition of relations within the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia ) calling for major changes in the division of governing responsibilities within FR Yugoslavia though still officially seeing Montenegro within a joint state with Serbia.

In 1998, Bulatović was ousted as leader and its present leader Milo Đukanović took over, advocating distancing Montenegro from Serbia, while Bulatović's faction formed the Socialist People's Party of Montenegro which advocated close ties with Serbia under Bulatović's leadership until he was ousted from that party as well.

As Serbia under Milošević became increasingly internationally criticised for its support of Serb separatists in the controversial wars in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia, Montenegro was also becoming alienated, international observers claimed that Bulatović was little more than a puppet leader of Milošević.

The other unbalancing issue is that Milo, as Premier, was in a much stronger position to further his personal goals, controlling the government ( the President had very little authority in effect ) and had seized control over most of DPS ' local authorities, while DPS-Momir Bulatović got only 5 of total DPS ' 21.

Yet, Momir Bulatović was still a close ally of Milošević.

Actively tagging along with somewhat more seasoned Communist League members like Momir Bulatović and Svetozar Marović, Đukanović was still only 26 years old when the trio effectively gained power through full institutional control in Montenegro on January 10, 1989.

Effectively, Đukanović, Bulatović, and Marović became Milošević's extended hands in Montenegro, controlling the political and security apparatus he was in the finishing stages of molding to his personal preferences.

After the 1990 Montenegrin parliamentary election in early December resulted in a remarkable victory for the Montenegrin League of Communists ( 83 parliament seats out of the total 125 ), Milo was, on February 15, 1991, somewhat surprisingly, appointed by President Momir Bulatović ( with the blessings of then Serbian president Slobodan Milošević ) as Prime Minister of the first democratically elected government.

This was in stark contrast to the stance of Momir Bulatović who in addition to being the President of Montenegro also then headed the pro-Milošević Democratic Party of Socialists.

The gathering featured far fewer people then from back the last time under his predecessor Antonije Abramovic, as back then it was a sign of a liberal struggle against the authoritarian regime of Momir Bulatović, Milo Đukanović and Svetozar Marović heavily influenced by the Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic.

The ruling Democratic Party of Socialists ( DPS ) ( reformed communists ), led by the prime minister Milo Đukanović and the president Momir Bulatović, was firmly allied with Slobodan Milošević throughout this period and opposed such movements.

Other prominent Serbs descending from partly or fully from Montenegro include the linguist and major reformer of modern Serbian language Vuk Karadžić, the revolutionary leader and founder of the Karađorđević dynasty Đorđe Petrović ( most notably Aleksandar Karađorđević ), the first Serbian modern monarch and founder of the Obrenović dynasty Miloš Obrenović, the notable Balkanologist and geographer Jovan Cvijić ; the Serbian monarchist politician and one time opponent of Milosevic in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Vuk Drašković ; the wartime leader of the Bosnian Serbs Radovan Karadžić, the current democratic President of Serbia Boris Tadić, the assassinated warlord Željko Ražnatović-Arkan who was only half-montenegrin, the famous poet and writer Matija Bećković, editor-in-chief of high circulation Večernje novosti daily Manojlo Vukotić, the former basketball star Žarko Paspalj, the current BIA chief Rade Bulatović, Serbian Interior Minister Dragan Jočić, the Serbian constitutional court president Slobodan Vučetić, and the half-Montenegrin actress Milla Jovovich.

He was sacked by the Prime Minister Momir Bulatović on 28 April 1999.

Bulatović became federal President of Montenegro ( 1990-1998 ) while Montenegro was part of a Yugoslav federation, and also Prime Minister of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia ( 1998-2000 ).

Bulatović was born in Belgrade, the son of an officer the Yugoslav People's Army ( JNA ) who originated from Montenegro.

At first they both were strong supporters of Slobodan Milošević but while Đukanović began to criticise Milošević, Bulatović continued supporting him, and was appointed to be federal Prime Minister by Milošević on 18 May 1998, to replace Radoje Kontić.

By 1998, simultaneous with Montenegrin Prime Minister Milo Đukanović coming out on top in the power struggle with Montenegrin President Momir Bulatović, the republic undertook a different economic policy by adopting the Deutsche Mark as its currency.

Along with Đukanović and Bulatović, Marović has been a loyal supporter of Slobodan Milošević in all of his policies, but in 1997 he followed Milo Đukanović who broke away from Milošević's influence.

In January 1989 Svetozar seized power over the Socialist Republic of Montenegro together with his partners, Momir Bulatović and Milo Đukanović in an administrative putsch within the League of Communists of Montenegro under the blessings of the Serbian Communists ' leader, Slobodan Milošević, which became known as the " anti-bureaucratic revolution ".

Three men emerging as leaders of this new party swept into power during the Anti-bureaucratic revolution: Milo Đukanović, Momir Bulatović and Svetozar Marović.

The album title pokes fun at a bizarre event from the 1989 protests in Montenegro that eventually grew into the anti-bureaucratic revolution that swept Milo Đukanović, Momir Bulatović, and Svetozar Marović into power.

Following the internal turmoil within the DPS during late 1996 and early 1997 when the party's most prominent members Milo Đukanović and Momir Bulatović bitterly fought behind the scenes for the control of the party, Đukanović emerged as the clear winner of the year-long power struggle.

After an easy win over People's Party of Montenegro and anti-war and independence-oriented Liberal Alliance of Montenegro, the DPS with Momir Bulatović as the president, opted for a federation with Serbia, which resulted in the creation of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.

On the Montenegrin presidential election, 1997, aside then's President of the Republic and the Party Momir Bulatović, the Premier of Montenegro and party's vice-president Milo Đukanović ran too, leading a reforming wing opposing mainstream DPS CG's political attitudes regarding support of Serbian president Slobodan Milošević.

It is so that the Democratic Party of Socialists-Momir Bulatović had officially seceded from the other branch of the DPS CG, but Momir's supports had only retained majority in 5 municipalities of Montenegro, while the other 16 in which DPS reigned voiced their support of Milo.

At the 1996 parliamentary election DPS won the absolute majority yet again, however, the rift within the party between Đukanović and Bulatović remained.

Vujanović joined the Democratic Party of Socialists ( DPS ) in 1993 upon the invitation of then Montenegrin federal President Momir Bulatović following the creation of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia ( comprising Montenegro and Serbia ) in the wake of the break-up of the previous Yugoslavia.

A large faction left the DPS CG with Bulatović to form the Socialist People's Party of Montenegro ( SNP CG ).

In 1998 DPS forged a wide alliance in an attempt to compete with the newly created pro-Milošević Socialist People's Party of Montenegro ( SNP ) led at the time by former DPS leader Momir Bulatović.

Marović and Bulatović are former longtime party colleagues.

From 1991 to 1998 under Momir Bulatović, the party endorsed a union and close relations with Serbia.

The party continued to be a proponent of the union with Serbia, while the old-style pro-Milosevic faction of politicians formed the People's Socialist Party ( Народна социјалистичка странка, Narodna socijalistička stranka ) under Momir Bulatović.

At that time the leaders were Ljubomir Lazić and Radomir Antić, notable managers were Đorđević and Đurđević, leaders for the players were Ratomir Janković, Vlada Vlaović, Matović, Zoran Bulatović, Dutina, Čeh and others.

While Momir Bulatović insisted on continuing support to Milošević, an emerging faction led by Milo Đukanović distanced itself from Serbian leadership.

On 1997 Đukanović and Bulatović ran against each other at presidential elections, and after two run-offs Đukanović won with a slim majority.

In July 1997, Đukanović announced his decision to contest Bulatović for the position of president of Montenegro.

In the first round of elections on October 5, 1997, with 145, 348 votes Đukanović lagged by roughly 2, 000 votes behind Bulatović's 147, 615 ( Bulatović at the time continued to be a staunch ally of Slobodan Milošević ).

However, in the controversial second round vote, seen by many as the Đukanović's camp most significant electoral victory since the beginning of their rule, Đukanović won the second round by a margin of five thousand, after surprisingly assembling 29, 000 more votes than in the first round ( Đukanović got 174, 745 votes while Bulatović got 169, 257 ).

Sali Berisha is married to Liri Berisha ( née Slobodanka Ramaj, daughter of Rexhep Ramaj and Milica Bulatović ), a pediatrician.

In 2001, former Montenegrin president Momir Bulatović released a tell-all memoir named Pravila ćutanja ( The Rules of Keeping Silent ), accusing Marović, among many others, of accepting large financial compensation in return for turning a blind eye to widespread oil and tobacco smuggling in Montenegro during 1990s.

In the book, Bulatović describes a private conversation during the 1990s in which he confronted Marović about the corruption and quotes his answer: " You see, Momir, you're the first ever President of Montenegro-that's the legacy you're passing on to your children.

The SPS has held close ties with the various political parties led by Momir Bulatović who had been installed as President of Montenegro with Milosević's aide, the SPS supported the Democratic Party of Socialists of Montenegro until Bulatović's ousting in 1998, Socialist People's Party of Montenegro under Bulatović from 1998 until his ousting in 2000, and the last one to be led by Bulatović is the People's Socialist Party of Montenegro.

In the first round on 5 October 1997 Momir Bulatović won receiving most votes, 147, 615 or 47. 45 %, but lost to opposing Milo the second round on 19 October 1997 when he won 169, 257 or only 49. 2 %.

In 2001 the pro-European and democratic wing led by Predrag Bulatović prevailed and he became SNP's president.