In his vision of a solution to this " vertigo ," Lyotard opposes the assumptions of universality, consensus, and generality that he identified within the thought of Humanistic, Neo-Kantian philosophers like Jürgen Habermas and proposes a continuation of experimentation and diversity to be assessed pragmatically in the context of language games rather than via appeal to a resurrected series of transcendentals and metaphysical unities.

# Lyotard himself has ironically spoken of " the great narrative of the end of great narratives ", a point taken up against him by such thinkers as Alex Callinicos and Jürgen Habermas, who argue that Lyotard's universal skepticism toward metanarratives is itself a contemporary metanarrative, and thus self-refuting.

Among others the journal has published original contributions from Claude Lefort, Paul Feyerabend, Cornelius Castoriadis, Jürgen Habermas and Jean-François Lyotard.

Habermas engaged in regular correspondence with Richard Rorty and a strong sense of philosophical pragmatism may be felt in his theory ; thought which frequently traverses the boundaries between sociology and philosophy.

Michel Foucault provides a potent critique in his archaeology of the human sciences, though Habermas and Richard Rorty have both argued that Foucault merely replaces one such system of thought with another.

To use an epistemological distinction introduced by Jürgen Habermas in Erkenntnis und Interesse ( Knowledge and Human Interests ), critical theory in literary studies is ultimately a form of hermeneutics, i. e. knowledge via interpretation to understand the meaning of human texts and symbolic expressions — including the interpretation of texts which are themselves implicitly or explicitly the interpretation of other texts.

However, recent work by philosopher and critical theorist Nikolas Kompridis tries to show that Heidegger's insights into world disclosure are badly misunderstood and mishandled by Habermas, and are of vital importance for critical theory, offering an important way of renewing that tradition.

For Habermas, these three spheres are the domain of experts, and therefore need to be mediated with the " lifeworld " by philosophers.

It is worth noting that for many contemporary political philosophers, the rigidity of a particular set of norms, rules, or fixed boundaries about either the way that subjects who would qualify for deliberation are constituted ( a position perhaps epitomized by John Rawls ) or regarding the kinds of argument which qualify as deliberation ( a position perhaps epitomized by Jürgen Habermas ) constitute a foreclosure of deliberation, making it impossible.

Among these schools are the tradition of practical reason extending from Aristotle through Kant to Habermas, which asserts that they can, and the tradition of emotivism, which maintains that they are merely expressions of emotions and have no rational content.

Most contemporary conceptualizations of the public sphere are based on the ideas expressed in Jürgen Habermas ' book The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere – An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society, which is a translation of his Habilitationsschrift " Strukturwandel der Öffentlicheit: Untersuchungen zu einer Kategorie der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft ".

Some of the most famous University of Frankfurt scholars are associated with this school, including Theodor Adorno, Max Horkheimer, and Jürgen Habermas, as well as Herbert Marcuse, Erich Fromm, and Walter Benjamin.

It is clearly elaborated by Habermas that new social movements are the ‘ new politics ’ which is about quality of life, individual self-realisation and human rights whereas the ‘ old politics ’ focus on economic, political, and military security.

They are: The Idea of a Critical Theory: Habermas and the Frankfurt School ; Morality, Culture, and History ; Public Goods, Private Goods ; History and Illusion in Politics ; Glueck und Politik ; Outside Ethics, Philosophy and Real Politics, and Politics and the Imagination, which has just appeared from Princeton University Press.

" ( Habermas 1979 ), where he suggests that human competition, conflict, and strategic action are attempts to achieve understanding that have failed because of modal confusions.

For Habermas, the most significant difference between a sentence and an utterance is in that sentences are judged according to how well they make sense grammatically, while utterances are judged according to their communicative validity ( see section 1 ).

( Habermas 1984 ; 1987 ) This theory and the project of developing a formal pragmatic analysis of communication are inseparable.

Habermas argues that when speakers are communicating successfully, they will have to defend their meaning by using these four claims.

Habermas is emphatic that these claims are universal — no human communication oriented at achieving mutual understanding could possibly fail to raise all of these validity claims.

In order for anyone to speak validly — and therefore, to have his or her comments vindicated, and therefore reach a genuine consensus and understanding — Habermas notes that a few more fundamental commitments are required.

This assumption of responsibility on the part of the speaker is described by Habermas as a " warranty ", because in most cases the validity claims raised during communication are taken as justified, and communication proceeds on that basis.

Habermas claims that all forms of argumentation, even implicit and rudimentary ones, rest upon certain " idealizing suppositions ," which are rooted in the very structures of action oriented towards understanding.

All they can fairly be expected to furnish, however, is reconstructive hypotheses for use in empirical settings …. reconstructions are fallibilistic in orientation, they reject the dubious faith in philosophy ’ s ability to do things single handedly, hoping instead that the success that has for so long eluded it might come from an auspicious matching of different theoretical fragments ( Habermas, 1990a ).

It is currently associated with the works of Ágnes Heller and Carlos Escudé, and is strongly rooted in the criticisms which Habermas has leveled at postmodern philosophy, namely that universalism and critical thinking are the two essential elements of human rights and that human rights create a superiority of some cultures over others.

Jürgen Habermas and Pierre Bourdieu are two more recent theorists who have put microsociological concepts to good use in their works.

While Foucault himself was deeply involved in a number of progressive political causes and maintained close personal ties with members of the far-Left, he was also controversial with Leftist thinkers of his day, including those associated with various strains of Marxism, proponents of Left libertarianism ( e. g. Noam Chomsky ) and Humanism ( e. g. Jürgen Habermas ), for his rejection of what he deemed to be Enlightenment-derived concepts of freedom, liberation, self-determination and human nature.

Habermas also criticized Marxism and previous members of the Frankfurt School for missing the hermeneutical dimension of critical theory.

For sociologists in the tradition of Max Weber, such as Jürgen Habermas, the concept of scientism relates significantly to the philosophy of positivism, but also to the cultural rationalization of the modern West.

Jürgen Habermas was also influenced by Dilthey, most notably in the Positivismusstreit of the early 1960s and his early work Knowledge and Human Interests ( 1968 ).

It should also be said that the results of systematized reconstructions claim to explicate “ universal capabilities and not merely the particular competencies of individual groups ” ( Habermas, 1998a ).

Some works of Jürgen Habermas are also connected with this subfield.

And the moral absolutes of Habermas, however politically and didactically impeccable, also carry a shadow of provincialism, as long as they fail to recognize that fascism was a continental phenomenon, and that Nazism was a peculiar part of something much larger.

The result of the theory is a conception of reason that Habermas sees as doing justice to the most important trends in twentieth century philosophy, while escaping the relativism which characterizes postmodernism, and also providing necessary standards for critical evaluation.

* Philosophers associated with the Frankfurt school ( Jürgen Habermas, Herbert Marcuse, and Oskar Negt in particular ) and associated Marxian philosophers.

The most prominent philosophers with which the so-called ' Frankfurt School ' is associated were Erich Fromm, Herbert Marcuse, Theodor Adorno, Walter Benjamin, Jürgen Habermas and Max Horkheimer.

Surviving through a number of difficult financial years, ICS revised its organizational model more on the lines of the Frankfurt School, a research and teaching center in Germany devoted to Neo-Marxism, that was home to a string of illustrious philosophers Walter Benjamin, Theodor Adorno, Herbert Marcuse and today Jürgen Habermas.

Important contributors in the field include sociologists such as Alain Touraine, Ernesto Laclau, Chantal Mouffe, Claus Offe, Immanuel Wallerstein, or philosophers such as Michel Foucault, Jürgen Habermas and Felix Guattari.

Two able philosophers who were students of Becker, Juergen Habermas and Hans Sluga, later grappled with the issue of the influence of Nazism on German academia.

Jürgen Habermas, Hans-Hermann Hoppe and related philosophers point out that statements spoken during justificatory argumentation carry additional presuppositions and so certain statements are performative contradictions in this context.

The philosophers Jürgen Habermas and Jacques Derrida were inspired to write an article for the newspaper Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung in which they claimed the birth of a ‘ European public sphere ’.

German philosophers Jürgen Habermas and Karl-Otto Apel are considered the originators of modern discourse ethics.

Of the philosophers who judged on the content of the debate, four voted that Habermas won and the other was undecided.