14th century BC Amarna letters | diplomatic letter in Akkadian language | Akkadian, found in Amarna.

In the Amarna letters, written in Akkadian, the letter " H " is used to signify the guttural letters alef-heh-chet-ayin, and therefore it was possible to write the name of the city as if it were " Haca " or " Aca ".

Only one extremely short letter – EA 223 ( EA-el Amarna ) is written from Endaruta of Akšapa, and it is a one sentence topic: a short 3-sentence formal-Prostration formula | formulaic introduction ... " Whatever the king ( i. e. pharaoh ), my lord, orders, I shall prepare.

The third and only other reference in the Amarna letters corpus is from letter EA 366 ( from Šuwardata of Qiltu (?

This terminology was last used for King Tushratta of Mitanni, in a letter in the Amarna archives.

Also an original attempt of the only el Amarna letter found at site, Amarna Letters, EA 333.

Amarna letter EA 26 which is addressed to Tiye, dates to the reign of Akhenaten.

New Chronologist Bernard Newgrosh argues that such a hypothesis is plausible because the Ashuruballit of the Amarna letter gives a different name for his father than is given for Ashuruballit I in the Assyrian King List, and that the historical setting recorded in the annals of the early Middle Assyrian ruler differs from information gleaned from the Amarna correspondent ’ s letters.

In one famous correspondence — Amarna letter EA 4 -- Amenhotep III is quoted by the Babylonian king Kadashman-Enlil I in firmly rejecting the latter's entreaty to marry one of this pharaoh's daughters:

A letter from the Amarna palace archives dated to Year 2 — rather than Year 12 — of Akhenaten's reign from the Mitannian king, Tushratta, ( Amarna letter EA 27 ) preserves a complaint about the fact that Akhenaten did not honor his father's promise to forward Tushratta statues made of solid gold as part of a marriage dowry for sending his daughter, Tadukhepa, into the pharaoh's household.

However, more recent analysis of Amarna letter EA 23 by William L. Moran, which recounts the dispatch of the statue of the goddess to Thebes, does not support this popular theory.

The contents of Amarna letter EA21 from Tushratta to his " brother " Amenhotep III strongly affirms this solution.

Labaya was the author of three Amarna letters, and his name appears in 11 of the other 382 letters, referred to 28 times, with the basic topic of the letter, being Labaya himself, and his relationship with the rebelling, countryside Habiru.

From the Amarna letters, a series of diplomatic letters from various Middle Eastern monarchs to Amenhotep III and Akhenaten of Egypt, we find two letters from Ashur-uballit I, the second being a follow-up letter to the first.

* The number of the Amarna letter ( EA256 ), which, according to David Rohl, was written by Ishbaal and contains mentions of King David, Jesse, and Joab.

Thutmose IV's role in initiating contact with Egypt's former rival, Mitanni, is documented by Amarna letter EA 29 composed decades later by Tushratta, a Mittanian king who ruled during the reign of Akhenaten, Thutmose IV's grandson.

The Mitanni variety is chiefly known from the so-called " Mitanni letter " from Hurrian Tushratta to pharaoh Amenhotep III surviving in the Amarna archives.

The 1350 BC Amarna letters correspondence, ( mostly addressed to the Ancient Egyptian pharaoh ), has one short letter, with the topic of corvée labour.

The town was first mentioned in the Amarna letters as Lakisha-Lakiša ( EA 287, 288, 328, 329, 335 ).

( EA 100, EA for ' el Amarna ').

The phrase itself is a superlative, but an addition to some of the Amarna letters adds " more " at the end of the phrase ( EA 283, Oh to see the King -( pharaoh ): "...

*" The Sons of Labaya ," in the Amarna Letters ( EA 250 ), with Mutbaal / Ishbaal and David / Dadua, the latter being the son-in-law of Labaya / Shaul.

* 2 Letters by Assur-uballit I to Pharaoh, EA 15, EA ( el Amarna ) | EA 16.

* Amarna letters, EA 1 through EA 382

One of Suppiluliuma's letters, addressed to Akhenaten, was preserved in the Amarna letters ( EA 41 ) archive at Akhetaten.

EA 161, letter by Aziru, leader of Amurru kingdom | Amurru, ( stating his case to pharaoh ), one of the Amarna letters in cuneiform writing on a clay tablet.

Labaya is mentioned in several of the Amarna Letters ( abbreviated " EA ", for ' el Amarna '), which is practically all scholars know about him.

Texts in the Hurrian language have been found at Hattusa, Ugarit ( Ras Shamra ), as well as one of the longest of the Amarna letters, written by King Tushratta of Mitanni to Pharaoh Amenhotep III.

Tushratta, who styles himself " king of Mitanni " in his Akkadian Amarna letters, refers to his kingdom as Hanigalbat.

Early study of the language, however, was entirely based on the Mitanni letter, found in 1887 at Amarna in Egypt, written by the Hurrian king Tushratta to the pharaoh Amenhotep III.

Tushratta had possibly suspected Hittite intentions on his kingdom, for the Amarna letters include several tablets from Tushratta concerning the marriage of his daughter Tadukhipa with Akhenaten, explicitly to solidify an alliance with the Egyptian kingdom.

He is possibly also the Nibhurrereya of the Amarna letters, and likely the 18th dynasty king Rathotis who, according to Manetho, an ancient historian, had reigned for nine years — a figure that conforms with Flavius Josephus's version of Manetho's Epitome.

During the Amarna Period, the Aten was given a Royal Titulary ( as he was considered to be king of all ), with his names drawn in a cartouche.

Tiye continued to be mentioned in the Amarna letters and in inscriptions as queen and beloved of the king.

She is known to have had a house at Amarna, Akhenaten's new capital and is shown on the walls of the tomb of Huya – a " steward in the house of the king's mother, the great royal wife Tiyi " – depicted at a dinner table with Akhenaten, Nefertiti, and their family and then being escorted by the king to her sunshade.

* Akish or Achish, king of Gath, is identified with Šuwardata, King of Gath in the Amarna letters.

* Aziru of the Amarna Letters is identified with Hadadezer, Syrian king in II Samuel.

Monsterrat argues that all the versions of the hymns focus on the king and suggests that the real innovation is to redefine the relationship of god and king in a way that benefited Akhenaten, quoting the statement of Egyptologist John Baines that " Amarna religion was a religion of god and king, or even of king first and then god.

The Hittite annals known as The Deeds of Suppiluliuma informs us how an Egyptian queen named Dakhamunzu, the widow of her recently deceased husband Niphururiya and without sons, asks the Hittite king Suppiluliama to send her one of his own sons to be her husband and king of Egypt and how, after further negotiations, a Hittite prince ( Zannanza ) is sent to Egypt, only to be murdered en route there .< ref > Reeves, C. N., < cite > Akhenaten, Egypt's false Prophet </ cite > ( Thames and Hudson ) pp. 175-176 </ ref > The synchronisation of Hittite and Egyptian chronologies is unclear, but it is certain that the recounted episode must have happened in the late 18th Dynasty of Egypt ( i. e. the late Amarna period and its immediate aftermath ).

In the Amarna letters, mention is made of the contemporaneous king of Jerusalem was named Abdi-Heba, which is a theophoric name invoking a Hurrian goddess named Hebat ; unless a different ethnic group occupied Jerusalem in this period, this implies that the Jebusites were Hurrians themselves, were heavily influenced by Hurrian culture, or were dominated by a Hurrian maryannu class.

During the Syrian campaign of the Hittite king Suppiluliuma I ( 1380 – 1340 BC ), Prince Akizzi of Qatna asked for the help of Akhenaten / Amenhotep IV, but as he was only concerned with his monotheistic reform symbolized by his own throne name Akhnaton and his new capital Amarna ( abandoned after his death as all reforms were reversed ), the town was among several Syrian city-states captured and plundered by the Hittites, the inhabitants deported to Hatti.

Dominic Montserrat, analysing the various versions of the hymns to the Aten, argues that all the versions of the hymns focus on the king and suggests that the real innovation is to redefine the relationship of god and king in a way that benefited Akhenaten, quoting the statement of Egyptologist John Baines that " Amarna religion was a religion of god and king, or even of king first and then god.