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Page "History of the People's Republic of China (1949–1976)" ¶ 27
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Mao and supporters
After being confirmed as Mao's successor, Lin's supporters focused on the restoration of the position of State Chairman, which had been abolished by Mao after the purge of Liu Shaoqi.
Mao also inducted several of his supporters to the Central Military Commission, and placed his loyalists in leadership roles of the Beijing Military Region.
According to official sources, sensing the reduction of Lin's power base and his declining health, Lin's supporters plotted to use the military power still at their disposal to oust Mao in a coup.
The bitter struggles of the Long March, which was completed by only one-tenth of the force that left Jiangxi, would come to represent a significant episode in the history of the Communist Party of China, and would seal the personal prestige of Mao and his supporters as the new leaders of the party in the following decades.
Unsuccessful urban insurrections ( in Nanchang, Wuhan and Guangzhou ) and the suppression of the Communist Party in Shanghai and other cities drove many party supporters to rural strongholds such as the Jiangxi Soviet organized by Mao Zedong.
Once Mao was removed from power, shortly before the beginning of the Fourth Encirclement Campaign, Mao's supporters were persecuted, and Hu Yaobang was sentenced to death.
He was seen as one of Mao Zedong's full supporters as he was starting a struggle with rival leader Liu Shaoqi.
Mao did not take any action against Peng ( or Lin ), but Peng's involvement alienated Peng from Liu and Liu's supporters.
After private discussion with other senior leaders, Peng considered the prestige of Mao and the unity of the Party and agreed to make a self-criticism, which was publicly reviewed at the conference, in which he admitted that he had made " severe mistakes " associated with his " rightist viewpoint ", that he had been a follower of Li Lisan and Wang Ming, and in which he openly implicated his supporters in his " mistakes ".
" Mao purged most of Peng's supporters from important offices following the conference, almost completely isolating Peng politically for the rest of his life.
This situation had already convinced Mao Zedong and his supporters to believe that the communists should abandon their bases in the Jiangxi Soviet republic.
After joining forces with Mao, Lin became one of Mao's closest supporters.
Because over 45 % of the Central Committee were of members of Army, Lin's supporters dominated the Politburo, and Lin's power was second only to Mao.
During the Second Plenary Session of the 9th Central Committee, from August – September 1970, Mao became uncomfortable with Lin's growing power, and began to maneuver against Lin by undermining his supporters and attacking some of Lin's suggestions at the conference.
In July 1971 Mao decided to remove Lin and his supporters.
The party was divided between supporters of the Soviet Union under Nikita Khrushchev and those who claimed Khrushchev was a " revisionist " and chose instead to follow China under Mao Zedong.
Mao ( and his supporters ) had advocated the idea that Asian and world communist movements should emulate China ’ s model of peasant revolution, not the Soviet model of urban revolution.
When the Sino-Soviet split occurred in the 1960s, the Communist Party was sharply divided between supporters of the Soviet Union ( led by the " revisionist " Nikita Khrushchev ) and supporters of China ( led by the radical Mao Zedong ).
The Communist Party had been split between supporters of the Soviet Union and supporters of Mao Zedong's China, and the pro-Soviet faction eventually lost.
Mao's supporters gained momentum during the meeting and Zhou Enlai eventually moved to back Mao.
Mao and his supporters labeled the critics " rightists " and launched a campaign against them.

Mao and contended
Mao contended that Deng Xiaoping was a capitalist roader and that the Soviet Union fell to capitalist roaders from within the Communist Party after the death of Joseph Stalin.

Mao and liberal
Mao alleged that " liberal bourgeois " elements were permeating the party and society at large and that they wanted to restore capitalism.
According to Hua-yu Li, writing in Mao and the Economic Stalinization of China, 1948-1953 in 1953, Mao, misled by glowing reports in History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union ( Bolshevik ): Short Course, authorized by Stalin of social and economic progress in the Soviet Union, abandoned the liberal economic programs of " New Democracy " and instituted the " general line for socialist transition ", a program to build socialism based on Soviet models.
He views “ Africadian ” literature as “ literal and liberal — I canonize songs and sonnets, histories and homilies .” Clarke has stated that he found further writing inspiration in the 1970s and his “ individualist poetic scored with implicit social commentary ” came from the ‘ Gang of Seven ’ intellectuals, “ poet-politicos: jazz trumpeter Miles Davis, troubadour-bard Bob Dylan, libertine lyricist Irving Layton, guerrilla leader and poet Mao Zedong, reactionary modernist Ezra Pound, Black Power orator Malcolm X and the Right Honourable Pierre Elliott Trudeau .” Though flawed, Clarke found “ as a whole, the group ’ s blunt talk, suave styles, acerbic independence, raunchy macho, feisty lyricism, singing heroic and a scarf-and-beret chivalry quite, well, liberating .”
Many Chinese learned about Mao and the communist movement from the almost immediate translations of Mao's autobiography, and readers in North America and Europe, especially those with liberal views, were heartened to learn of a movement which they interpreted as being anti-fascist and progressive.

Mao and bourgeoisie
Mao emphasizes — like Marx in trying to confront the " bourgeoisie idealism " of his time — that knowledge must be based on empirical evidence.
Following the lead of Mao, in 1966 Lin directed Red Guards in Beijing to " smash those persons in power who are traveling the capitalist road, the bourgeoisie reactionary authorities, and all royalists of the bourgeoisie, and to forcibly destroy the " four olds ": old culture, old ideas, old customs, and old habits.
Mao defined the people as being the working class ( which will exercise its " hegemony ", being represented by the Communist Party ), peasantry, the petty bourgeoisie, and the " national bourgeoisie ".
Mao Zedong wrote that The May 4th Movement " marked a new stage in China's bourgeois-democratic revolution against imperialism and feudalism ," and argued that " a powerful camp made its appearance in the bourgeois-democratic revolution, a camp consisting of the working class, the student masses and the new national bourgeoisie.
In the case of the USSR, the bourgeoisie seized power after the death of Joseph Stalin in 1953 ; in China, it was after Mao Zedong's death and the overthrow of the " Gang of Four " in 1976.
Mao Zedong developed Stalin's idea further, saying that there is the possibility of an entire bourgeoisie developing inside the Communist Party leading a socialist state before the establishment of communism.
Mao stressed the supposedly domestic roots of that bourgeoisie, while Stalin focused more on presumed Western spies.
According to Mao, the bourgeoisie inside the party aimed at the restoration of capitalism.
Upon the death of Mao, Deng Xiaoping rejected Mao's theory of the " bourgeoisie in the party " and as a result opened the doors to a restoration of capitalism in China.

Mao and capitalist
Maoists and other ' anti-revisionists ' viciously attack the changes after Mao Zedong's death, calling them the precise " capitalist road " Mao had pledged to fight during the early existence of the PRC.
Set into motion by Mao Zedong, then Chairman of the Communist Party of China, its stated goal was to enforce communism in the country by removing capitalist, traditional and cultural elements from Chinese society, and to impose Maoist orthodoxy within the Party.
In 1963, the Chinese Communist Party began to openly denounce the Soviet Union, publishing a series of nine polemics against its Marxist revisionism, with one of them being titled On Khrushchev's Phoney Communism and Historical Lessons for the World, in which Mao charged that Khrushchev was not only a revisionist but also increased the danger of capitalist restoration.
In addition, the party constitution has been rewritten to give the capitalist ideas of Deng Xiaoping prominence over those of Mao.
They consulted with Party Chairman Mao Zedong, claiming these people to be " capitalist roaders " who were hitting back at the Proletarian Revolution.
In this article, Peng was called a " capitalist ", a " great ambitionist and great conspirator " who had " always opposed Chairman Mao ", and who was " the representative of the greatest capitalist-roader Shaoqi in the army ".
Bob Avakian developed the analysis and led the forces within the RCP that declared that there had been a coup in China following Mao ’ s death and the new Chinese leadership was taking China on a capitalist road.
Yet, to the Chinese public, Mao Zedong proposed a belligerent attitude towards capitalist countries, an initial rejection of peaceful coexistence, which he perceived as Marxist revisionism from the Soviet Union.
Resultantly, contradicting Stalin, Khrushchev was advocating the idea of “ Peaceful Coexistence ”, between communist and capitalist nations — which directly challenged Mao ’ s “ lean-to-one-side ” foreign policy, adopted after the Chinese Civil War, when he feared direct Japanese or US military intervention, the circumstances that pragmatically required a PRC – Soviet alliance.
Whilst reversing Mao ’ s policies ( without attacking him ), the politically moderate Deng ’ s political and economic reforms began China ’ s transition from a planned economy to a semi – capitalist mixed economy, which he furthered with strengthened commercial and diplomatic relations with the West.
His and others ' critiques of Mao, and the struggle for power in the halls of government, ultimately ended in the Cultural Revolution ; a campaign enforced by Mao to reaffirm his power and to fight against the bourgeois and capitalist elements surfacing in both the political and cultural spheres.
These issues included whether the Soviet Union was still a socialist country or whether Mao Zedong ’ s theses of " capitalist restoration " in the Soviet Union was true ; whether China, under Mao, was a revolutionary socialist country ; what was the character of the oppression of black people in the U. S. and the relation of this to revolutionary strategy, and other contested issues.
In January 1965, Mao suggested to the Party Politburo that the principal enemies of socialism in China were “ those people in authority within the Party who are taking the capitalist road ” and urged that the Party undertake a “ cultural revolution .” The Politburo established a five-man group, chaired by Peng Zhen, its fifth-ranking member and head of the Beijing Party Organization and mayor of the capital city.
Isaac Mao () is a venture capitalist, software architect, and social media researcher from the People's Republic of China.
Mao is a venture capitalist, blogger, software architect, entrepreneur and researcher in learning and social technology.
Some schools of thought suggest that the New Left wants to return to the mass political movements of the Mao Zedong era and an abandonment of capitalist practices, while others believe that it blends the open markets of capitalism while still maintaining socialist aspects of the community, particularly in rural China.
They tend to think that the social problems faced by China are caused not only by capitalist loopholes and corruption, but also by the excesses and oversights of Mao Zedong ’ s era.
Following the line of Mao, it considered the Soviet Union and its bloc as restored capitalist countries.

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