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Podgorny was later " promoted " to the Chairmanship of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union, and Andrei Kirilenko replaced him as Secretary in charge of personnel policy.
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Podgorny and was
At the beginning, Brezhnev's principal rival was Nikolai Podgorny, a member of the Secretariat.
From 1966 to 1976, Alexei Kosygin, Podgorny and Mikhail Suslov, all leading officials, attended a Central Committee meeting once ; it was in 1973 to ratify the Soviet Union's treaty with West Germany.
Podgorny in the Soviet Union, around 1972, built terrellas at which a flow of plasma was directed, simulating the solar wind.
Mikoyan was replaced by Nikolai Podgorny in 1965.
A collective leadership was founded immediately after Khrushchev's ouster, consisting of Brezhnev as First Secretary, Kosygin as head of government, and Anastas Mikoyan ( and later Nikolai Podgorny ) as head of state.
In the 20th century, the first secondary education institute in Belarus was founded ( 1924 ) and the first operas ( Mikhas Podgorny by E. Tikotsky, In Virgin Forests of Polesie by A. Bogatryev and The Flower of Happiness by A. Turenkov ) and ballets ( The Nightingale by M Kroshner ).
Nikolai Podgorny ( 1903 – 1983 ) was a Soviet politician.
Nikolai Viktorovich Podgorny (, ) ( – 12 January 1983 ) was a Soviet Ukrainian statesman during the Cold War.
Podgorny was born in the city of Karlovka in 1903 to a Ukrainian working-class family.
After Anastas Mikoyan's resignation, Podgorny was voted into office as Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet.
Podgorny was born on in Karlovka, Russian Empire to a Ukrainian working-class family.
The next year Podgorny was appointed Deputy People's Commissar for Food Industry of the Soviet Union.
In the post-war years Podgorny regained his old office of Deputy People's Commissar for Food Industry of the Ukrainian SSR, but was later appointed in 1946 as a Permanent Representative to the Council of Ministers of the Ukrainian SSR.
In 1953 Podgorny was elevated to Second Secretary of the Central Committee ( CC ) of the CPU.
Podgorny's beliefs were strongly influenced by Khrushchev, and under Leonid Brezhnev's rule, Podgorny was one of the most liberal members within the Soviet leadership, even more liberal than Premier Alexei Kosygin.
The coup took Podgorny evidently by surprised, seeing that he left Moscow on 10 October, two days before the coup was initiated.
Before becoming head of state, Podgorny served as the party's Second Secretary, and was therefore in charge of the Party's Organisational Division.
There was speculation in Soviet society that Podgorny was trying to replace Kosygin as Premier, or even Brezhnev as General Secretary, due to his increasing presence in the late 1960s.
The reason was simple: Brezhnev was third, while Podgorny was first in the ranking of Soviet diplomatic protocol.
According to Time, " There was some speculation in Moscow " that if Brezhnev didn't succeed in removing Podgorny he would establish a Council of State modelled after institutions found in, for example, East Germany ( Staatsrat ), People's Republic of Bulgaria and the Socialist Republic of Romania.
Podgorny was constantly in conflict with Kosygin over policy issues in the Politburo.
Podgorny and Chairmanship
Podgorny finally lost his Chairmanship of the Presidium on 16 June 1977.
Podgorny and Presidium
* 1903 – Nikolai Podgorny, Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet ( d. 1983 )
Later in 1965, Podgorny lost his seat in the Secretariat, and on 9 December 1965 he replaced Mikoyan as Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet.
With Brezhnev's position consolidated in the early 1970s, he used Podgorny to weaken Kosygin's position as Chairman of the Council of Ministers by giving the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet some executive powers.
With the help from Brezhnev Podgorny managed to make the Council of Ministers subordinate to the Presidium.
The Central Committee had however only voted him off the Politburo, and Podgorny still retained the position of Chairman of the Presidium.
In 1977 he initiated a successful vote to remove Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, Nikolai Podgorny from the Politburo.
Though initially, the USSR was again under a collective leadership, this time with Brezhnev as General Secretary, Podgorny as Chairman of the Presidium and Alexei Kosygin as Premier of the Soviet Union.
Podgorny and Supreme
However, Podgorny was pleased about his position within the leadership, and even more pleased by the extension of powers given to the Supreme Soviet.
Podgorny retained his seat in the Supreme Soviet after his downfall.
Soon after this incident, Podgorny lost his seat in the Supreme Soviet.
Podgorny and Soviet
Nikolai Podgorny of the Soviet Union and the shah of Iran.
Like his friend and ally Andrei Kirilenko, Podgorny climbed up the Soviet hierarchy through the industrial ladder ( delivering the production goals set by the bureaucrats in charge of the centrally planned economy ).
After Premier Alexei Kosygin's fall from favour Podgorny became the second most powerful figure in the Soviet Union until his removal as head of state in 1977.
After the liberation of Ukraine from the hands of Nazi Germany, Podgorny reestablished Soviet control over Ukraine on the orders of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic ( Ukrainian SSR ) and the Soviet Government.
In 1960 Podgorny became a member of the Politburo ( Political Bureau ) and by 1963 had risen to prominence within the Soviet hierarchy as a member of the Secretariat of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union ( CPSU ).
According to historian Ilya Zemtsov, the author of Chernenko: The Last Bolshevik: The Soviet Union on the Eve of Perestroika, Brezhnev began starting a conspiracy against Khrushchev when he found out that he had chosen Podgorny, and not himself, as his potential successor.
By indirectly criticising Podgorny, the article raised doubts about his qualifications as a leading member of the Soviet leadership.
Podgorny launched a counterattack in his 1965 speech in Baku, Azerbaijani Soviet Socialist Republic, were he criticised the Soviet leadership's heavy industrial policy.
Factionalism within the Soviet leadership in the 1960s led Podgorny to become more active ; he held several speeches in Moscow and went on numerous state visits at the expense of Brezhnev and Kosygin's popularity.
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