A fuller publication of The Seasons was prepared by August Schleicher in 1865, but this edition was criticized by Georg H. F. Nesselmann, who prepared an edition in 1869.

Reflecting Schleicher ′ s reputation for deviousness and being untrustworthy, Hermann Göring joked in 1932 :" Any Chancellor who has Herr von Schleicher on his side must expect sooner or later to be sunk by the Schleicher torpedo, there was a joke current in political circles -" General von Schleicher ought really to have been an Admiral for his military genius lies in shooting under water at his political friends "".

# In the summer of 1934 Hitler instructed the SS to kill Ernst Röhm and other leaders of the Nazi party's SA, former Chancellor Kurt von Schleicher and several aides to former Chancellor Franz von Papen in the so-called Night of the Long Knives ( June 30, 1934 / July 1, 1934 ).

This led to a complex set of intrigues that saw von Papen and various friends of President Paul von Hindenburg negotiating with Hitler to oust von Schleicher.

Gustav's skepticism toward the Nazis waned when Hitler dropped plans to nationalize business, the Communists gained seats in the November 6 elections, and Chancellor Kurt von Schleicher suggested a planned economy with price controls.

Like nearly all senior Army officers, Rundstedt welcomed the July 1934 purge of Ernst Röhm and the Sturmabteilung ( SA ) leadership, although he was angered that two generals, Schleicher and Ferdinand von Bredow, were killed: he was among the senior officers who later persuaded Hitler to have these two officers posthumously ( but secretly ) rehabilitated.

He continued to hold that position under Chancellor Kurt von Schleicher and then under Adolf Hitler from the Machtergreifung on 30 January 1933.

On May 8, 1932, Schleicher had a secret meeting with Hitler, during which he told him that a new presidential government would soon be appointed, and in exchange for promising to dissolve the Reichstag and lift the ban on the SA and the SS, received a promise from Hitler to support the new government.

The first act of the new government was to dissolve the Reichstag in accordance with Schleicher ′ s " gentlemen ′ s agreement " with Hitler on June 4, 1932.

In August 1932, Hitler reneged on the " gentlemen ′ s agreement " he made with Schleicher that May, and instead of supporting the Papen government demanded the Chancellorship for himself.

On August 5, 1932, Hitler and Schleicher held a secret meeting, in which Hitler demanded that he become Chancellor and the Ministries of the Interior and Justice go to Nazis ; Schleicher could remain as Defence Minister.

Schleicher was willing to accept Hitler ′ s arrangement, but Hindenburg refused, preventing Hitler from receiving the Chancellorship in August 1932.

Due to Hindenburg ′ s opposition, Schleicher was forced to tell Hitler that the most he could give was the Vice-Chancellorship, an offer that Hitler refused.

As part of his attempt to blackmail Hitler into supporting his government, Schleicher went through the motions of attempting to found the Querfront by reaching out to the Social Democratic labour unions, the Christian labor unions and the left-wing branch of the Nazi Party, led by Gregor Strasser.

Schleicher ′ s hope was that the threat of a split within the Nazi Party with Strasser leading his faction out of the party would force Hitler to support the new government.

At a secret meeting of the NSDAP leaders on December 5, 1932, Strasser urged the NSDAP to drop the demand for Hitler to become Chancellor and support Schleicher in exchange for which Schleicher would give the Nazis several cabinet portfolios.

Schleicher, who was unaware of how Hitler had bested Strasser, told his Cabinet on December 7, 1932 that he would soon have the support the Nazi deputies in the Reichstag, which together with the Zentrum and some of the smaller parties would give his presidential government a majority in the Reichstag.

At the same time, Schleicher let it be known to Hitler that he offered Strasser the Vice-Chancellorship.

The various public works projects — which were to give 2, 000, 000 unemployed Germans jobs by July 1933 and are often wrongly attributed to Hitler — were the work of the Schleicher government, which had passed the necessary legislation in January.

Unbeknownst to Schleicher, Papen was holding secret meetings with both Hitler and Hindenburg, who then refused Schleicher ′ s request for emergency powers and another dissolution of the Reichstag.

President Hindenburg, pushed by his camarilla and military chief Kurt von Schleicher, also advocated such a move and insisted on a cabinet reshuffle and especially the resignation of ministers Wirth and Guérard, both from the Centre Party.

During the ensuing talks with the German cabinet, Schleicher was able to get permission to allow the Army to return to Berlin.

Schleicher became a major figure behind the scenes in the presidential cabinet government of Heinrich Brüning between 1930 and 1932, serving as an aide to General Groener, the Minister of Defence.

At the time of Papen ′ s appointment, Schleicher boasted that " I ′ m not the soul of the cabinet, but I am perhaps its will " The German historian Eberhard Kolb wrote of Schleicher ′ s " key role " in the downfall of not only Brüning, but also the Weimar republic, for by bringing down Brüning Schleicher unintentionally and quite unnecessarily set off a series of events that would to led directly to the Third Reich.

With two exceptions, Schleicher retained all of Papen ′ s cabinet, which meant that much of the unpopularity of the Papen government was inherited by Schleicher ′ s government.

The British historian Sir John Wheeler-Bennett — who knew Schleicher and his circle well — wrote that the " lack of discretion " that Bredow displayed as he went about showing anyone who was interested the list of the proposed cabinet was " terrifying ".

In December, the President appointed General Kurt von Schleicher Chancellor, since the cabinet had refused to support Papen's planned coup d ' état, a permanent dissolution of the Reichstag.

* 3 December 1932 Kurt von Schleicher cabinet

* Dec 3, 1932 Reichswehr General Kurt von Schleicher cabinet

Together with Kurt von Schleicher and a few others, Meissner, in the years 1929 and 1930, furthered the dissolution of the parliamentary system by means of a civil presidential cabinet.

Göring stated that the Gestapo had attempted to arrest Schleicher, but that he had been " shot while attempting to escape ".

The British historian Sir John Wheeler-Bennett, who knew Schleicher well, remembered hearing Schleicher proclaim during a dinner in a posh restaurant in Berlin in the spring of 1932 that " What Germany needs today is a strong man " while tapping himself on the chest.

To gain Nazi support while keeping himself Chancellor, Schleicher often talked of forming a so-called Querfront (" cross-front "), whereby he would unify Germany ′ s fractious special interests around a non-parliamentary, authoritarian but participatory regime as a way of forcing the Nazis to support his government.

Gaming Trend editor Keith Schleicher praised the voice acting of Final Fantasy XII, commenting that " while Vaan ’ s voice was an issue for me when playing the game at first, it eventually grew on me ".

Although Mackensen appeared in his black uniform at some public events presented by the German government or the Nazi party, he objected to the killings of Generals Ferdinand von Bredow and Kurt von Schleicher during The Night of the Long Knives purge of July 1934, and to atrocities committed during the fighting in Poland in September 1939.

Fearing this would lead to his overthrow and the collapse of his regime, Hitler had considered Schleicher a target for assassination for some time.

Some of the people he had some contact with included Heinrich Brüning, Basil Liddell Hart, Franz von Papen, John Buchan, Carl Friedrich Goerdeler, Leon Trotsky, Hans von Seeckt, Max Hoffmann, Lewis Bernstein Namier, Benito Mussolini, Robert Bruce Lockhart, Karl Radek, Sir Robert Gilbert Vansittart, Kurt von Schleicher, Sir Isaiah Berlin, Tomáš Masaryk, Engelbert Dollfuss, the former Kaiser Wilhelm II, Adam von Trott zu Solz, Louis Barthou, Lord Lothian, Winston Churchill, and Dr. Edvard Beneš.

Schleicher was born in Brandenburg an der Havel, the son of a Prussian officer and a shipowner ′ s daughter.

During World War I, he served on the staff of Wilhelm Groener, who became Schleicher ′ s patron.

In exchange for agreeing to send help to the government, Schleicher was able to secure Ebert ′ s assent to the Army being allowed to maintain its political autonomy.

In September 1921, at a secret meeting in Schleicher ′ s apartment, the details of an arrangement were reached in which German financial and technological aid for building the Soviet arms industry were exchanged for Soviet support in helping Germany circumvent the disarmament clauses of the Treaty of Versailles.

Despite Seeckt ′ s patronage, it was Schleicher who brought about his downfall in 1926 by leaking that Seeckt had invited the former Crown Prince to attend military manoeuvres.

After Seeckt ′ s fall, Schleicher became, in the words of Andreas Hillgruber " in fact, if not in name ", the " military-political head of the Reichswehr ".

Schleicher ′ s triumph was also the triumph of the " modern " faction within the Reichswehr who favored a total war ideology and wanted Germany to become a dicatorship that would wage total war upon the other nations of Europe.

The appointment of Groener as Defence Minister in January 1928 did much to advance Schleicher ′ s career.

Schleicher justified Groener ′ s confidence by getting the naval budget for 1929 passed despite the opposition of the anti-militarist Social Democrats, who formed the largest party in the Reichstag at the time.

Schleicher prepared Groener ′ s statements to the Cabinet and attended Cabinet meetings on a regular basis.

Schleicher ′ s idea was to have Hindenburg use his powers under Article 53 to appoint a man of Schleicher ′ s choosing as chancellor, who would rule under the provisions of Article 48.

It was Schleicher ′ s dream to create that Wehrstaat ( Military State ), in which the military would reorganize German society as part of the preparations for the total war that the Reichswehr wished to wage.

During this period, Schleicher became increasingly convinced that the solution to all of Germany ′ s problems was a " strong man " and that he was that strong man.

Schleicher claimed that Brüning could have had Hindenburg ′ s term extended by the Reichstag, but chose not to in order to humiliate Hindenburg by making him appear on the same stage as Social Democratic leaders.

The British historian John Wheeler-Bennett wrote that the evidence for a SPD putsch was " flimsy " at best, and this was just Schleicher ′ s way of discrediting Groener in Hindenburg ′ s eyes.

Groener ′ s friends told him that it was impossible that Ott would fabricate allegations of that sort or leak the President ′ s letter on his own, and that he should sack Schleicher at once.