It is run from the Oxford home of historian Professor Norman Stone, who has on occasion taken part in BHHRG activities, and was co-founded by his wife Christine Stone and fellow Oxford historian Mark Almond ( who is also its chairman ).

The media connections of some of BHHRG members ( especially John Laughland, a self-avowed conspiracy theorist and passionate advocate of " national sovereignty ") has enabled it to propagate its views through a number of major newspapers in Britain and the US.

The OSCE has criticized the BHHRG for letting its journalists pose as impartial election monitors while publishing partisan polemics in newspapers, and for relying on short-term observer missions with a handful of people, an approach the OSCE abandoned as open to manipulation in 1996.

The BHHRG has also been denounced for failing to mention that it enjoys no recognition from the International Helsinki Federation, but has been quite at odds with other organizations with similar names, at least since 1996.

However, I have since learned that the BHHRG has no connection to the International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights in Vienna.

He has served as an election observer under the aegis of the BHHRG in a number of countries including Georgia and Ukraine.

The BHHRG is almost always more critical of social-democratic than nationalist rulers.

The BHHRG publishes reports from first-hand observers, concentrating particularly on election monitoring in central and eastern Europe, as well as publishing frequent unsigned commentaries ( just like the Economist does ) about ongoing events in the region.

* 2001 – BHHRG exposed the scandal of trafficking in women from Moldova

* The BHHRG based part of a Latvia report on an interview with Alfreds Rubiks, the Communist who led the " National Salvation Committee " which would have co-ordinated repression had the coup against Gorbachev not failed in 1991.

The OSCEwatch and BHHRG websites are identical, and both websites openly refer to each other.

The BHHRG was founded in 1992.

For its part, the BHHRG website says nothing on the subject.

The membership, management and funding of the BHHRG are somewhat obscure.

Material that the BHHRG issued in 1992 cited the Tory peer Lord Pearson of Rannoch and the David and Lucile Packard Foundation as donors.

* 1993 – BHHRG exposure of fraud in the conduct of Russia's constitutional referendum was later admitted by the authorities.

* In March 1997, BHHRG member Anthony Daniels wrote an article for the Sunday Telegraph: " The Media Back the Communists as Usual ", in which he claimed that British journalists Miranda Vickers and James Pettifer, were " supporters of the former Stalinist regime of the late Enver Hoxha ", the former communist dictator of Albania.

Its critics have accused the BHHRG of taking a predetermined ideological line while observing elections.

The BHHRG dismisses the OSCE's position as an attempt to stifle legitimate criticism and independent reporting.

It is a disgrace that the BHHRG is using the good Helsinki name to mislead the public into thinking that their racist propaganda is somehow affiliated with the well-respected Helsinki Group.

Supporters of the BHHRG reply that the name " Helsinki " is not trademarked anywhere and no official imprimatur is needed for any group wishing to monitor the implementation of the Helsinki Accords.

* BHHRG opinion piece regarding Vladimir Putin, 23 September 2004.

* International Helsinki Federation's statement on the status of the BHHRG.

Besides I heard her old uncle that stays there has been doin' it ''.

Southern resentment has been over the method of its ending, the invasion, and Reconstruction ; ;

The situation of the South since 1865 has been unique in the western world.

The North should thank its stars that such has been the case ; ;

As it is, they consider that the North is now reaping the fruits of excess egalitarianism, that in spite of its high standard of living the `` American way '' has been proved inferior to the English and Scandinavian ways, although they disapprove of the socialistic features of the latter.

In what has aptly been called a `` constitutional revolution '', the basic nature of government was transformed from one essentially negative in nature ( the `` night-watchman state '' ) to one with affirmative duties to perform.

For lawyers, reflecting perhaps their parochial preferences, there has been a special fascination since then in the role played by the Supreme Court in that transformation -- the manner in which its decisions altered in `` the switch in time that saved nine '', President Roosevelt's ill-starred but in effect victorious `` Court-packing plan '', the imprimatur of judicial approval that was finally placed upon social legislation.

Labor relations have been transformed, income security has become a standardized feature of political platforms, and all the many facets of the American version of the welfare state have become part of the conventional wisdom.

Historically, however, the concept is one that has been of marked benefit to the people of the Western civilizational group.

In recent weeks, as a result of a sweeping defense policy reappraisal by the Kennedy Administration, basic United States strategy has been modified -- and large new sums allocated -- to meet the accidental-war danger and to reduce it as quickly as possible.

The malignancy of such a landscape has been beautifully described by the Australian Charles Bean.

There has probably always been a bridge of some sort at the southeastern corner of the city.

Even though in most cases the completion of the definitive editions of their writings is still years off, enough documentation has already been assembled to warrant drawing a new composite profile of the leadership which performed the heroic dual feats of winning American independence and founding a new nation.

Madison once remarked: `` My life has been so much a public one '', a comment which fits the careers of the other six.

Thus we are compelled to face the urbanization of the South -- an urbanization which, despite its dramatic and overwhelming effects upon the Southern culture, has been utterly ignored by the bulk of Southern writers.

But the South is, and has been for the past century, engaged in a wide-sweeping urbanization which, oddly enough, is not reflected in its literature.

An example of the changes which have crept over the Southern region may be seen in the Southern Negro's quest for a position in the white-dominated society, a problem that has been reflected in regional fiction especially since 1865.

In the meantime, while the South has been undergoing this phenomenal modernization that is so disappointing to the curious Yankee, Southern writers have certainly done little to reflect and promote their region's progress.

Faulkner culminates the Southern legend perhaps more masterfully than it has ever been, or could ever be, done.

The `` approximate '' is important, because even after the order of the work has been established by the chance method, the result is not inviolable.

But it has been during the last two centuries, during the scientific revolution, that our independence from the physical environment has made the most rapid strides.

In the life sciences, there has been an enormous increase in our understanding of disease, in the mechanisms of heredity, and in bio- and physiological chemistry.

Even in domains where detailed and predictive understanding is still lacking, but where some explanations are possible, as with lightning and weather and earthquakes, the appropriate kind of human action has been more adequately indicated.

The persistent horror of having a malformed child has, I believe, been reduced, not because we have gained any control over this misfortune, but precisely because we have learned that we have so little control over it.