Chomsky considers these rules to be an innate feature of the human mind, and to constitute the essence of what language is.

Linguist and anarcho-socialist theorist Noam Chomsky has suggested that " military-industrial complex " is a misnomer because ( as he considers it ) the phenomenon in question " is not specifically military.

Chomsky in turn argues that his views are those which the powerful do not want to hear, and for this reason considers himself an American political dissident.

The book was rejected by publishers in Sweden prompting an open letter in 2003 defending Johnstone's book ( and her right to publish ) which was signed by, among others, Noam Chomsky, Arundhati Roy, Tariq Ali and John Pilger: " We regard Diana Johnstone ’ s Fools ’ Crusade as an outstanding work, dissenting from the mainstream view but doing so by an appeal to fact and reason, in a great tradition.

He was one of numerous notable public figures, including the linguist Noam Chomsky and the actress Susan Sarandon, who signed the " Not In My Name " declaration opposing the 2003 invasion of Iraq.

In early 2003 Sheen signed the " Not in My Name " declaration opposing the invasion of Iraq ( along with prominent figures such as Noam Chomsky and Susan Sarandon ); the declaration appeared in the magazine The Nation.

In 2003, both Joan and her brother John signed the " Not in My Name " resolution ( along with people such as Noam Chomsky and Susan Sarandon ) opposing the invasion of Iraq.

* 2004 – 05 Dame Margaret Anstee Stephen Toulmin, and Noam Chomsky, delivering a series of lectures dedicated to Edward Said who was scheduled to give the 2004 – 05 series before his death in 2003.

Drawing historical examples from 1945 through to 2003 to support his argument, Chomsky looks at the U. S. government's support for regimes responsible for mass human rights abuses, including ethnic cleansing and genocide, namely El Salvador, Colombia, Turkey, Israel, Egypt, South Africa and Indonesia.

" Using the 2003 invasion of Iraq as an example, he discusses the manner in which the U. S. government and media portrayed the Iraqi government of Saddam Hussein as a threat to both the U. S. and other Middle Eastern states, something which Chomsky argues it was not.

Chomsky remarks that the 2003 invasion of Iraq is particularly significant because it signals the " new norm " in international relations, and that in future the U. S. might be willing to wage a preventative war against " Iran, Syria, the Andean region, and a number of others.

Furthermore, Boyle opined that Chomsky had failed to offer a " compelling explanation " for why the U. S. government was willing to declare war on Iraq in 2003, a conflict that was far costlier and riskier then earlier military adventures in Nicaragua and Grenada during the 1980s.

*" Real Materialism " ( 2003 ), in Chomsky and his Critics, ed.

Herman and Chomsky ( 1988 ) proposed a propaganda model hypothesizing systematic biases of U. S. media from structural economic causes.

Focusing largely on US support for the Latin American " National Security States ," Chomsky and Edward S. Herman argue that U. S. corporations support ( and in many instances create ) fascist ( or " sub " and " neo "- fascist ) terror states in order to create a favorable investment climate.

Critics, such as Noam Chomsky, have argued that the Roosevelt Corollary was merely a more explicit imperialist threat, building on the Monroe Doctrine, and indicating that the U. S. would intervene not only in defense of South American states in the face of European imperialism, but would also use its muscle to obtain concessions and privileges for American corporations.

American academic Noam Chomsky, a prolific critic of U. S. policy, asserts that the use of the term within the U. S. has parallels with methods employed by totalitarian states or military dictatorships ; he compares the term to " anti-Sovietism ", a label used by the Kremlin to suppress dissident or critical thought, for instance .< ref >

" American academic and U. S. foreign policy critic Noam Chomsky has referred to the United States as " a Leading Terrorist State ".

Many of the views expressed are shared by political writers like Noam Chomsky in his book Hegemony or Survival: America's Quest for Global Dominance and a recent BBC documentary called The Power of Nightmares -- all of which sharply criticise the neo-conservative movement in the U. S.

* What We Say Goes: Conversations on U. S. Power in a Changing World ( 2009 ) ( Interviews with Noam Chomsky )

Chomsky argues that the targets of U. S. preventative war must be " virtually defenseless ", " important enough to be worth the trouble " and also there must be " a way to portray it as the ultimate evil and an imminent threat to survival.

Criticising the standard U. S. government claim that such interventionism is for humanitarian purposes, Chomsky instead maintains that it is an attempt to further the power of U. S. capitalism, with little interest in the welfare of the people involved.

In the fourth chapter, " Dangerous Times ", Chomsky focuses primarily on U. S. interventionism throughout Latin America, which the government has defended through its Monroe Doctrine.

Chomsky argues that the Reagan administration utilized fear and nationalist rhetoric to distract the public from the poor economic situation that the U. S. was facing, finding scapegoats in the form of the leftist governments of Libya, Grenada and Nicaragua, as well as the international drug trade.

In the sixth chapter, " Dilemmas of Dominance ", Chomsky explores the relationship that the U. S. has had with Eastern Europe since the collapse of the Soviet Union and with East Asia since the Second World War.

In the former, Chomsky argues, the U. S. has allied itself with the capitalist reformers who have advocated privatization and neoliberalism at the expense of the welfare state, leading to increased poverty and demographic decline across the region.

Chapter seven, " Cauldron of Animosities ", opens with a discussion of U. S. support for the increasing militarization of Israel and its illegal development of nuclear weapons, something Chomsky believes threatens peace in the Middle East by encouraging other nations like Iran and Iraq to do the same.

Chomsky proceeds to argue that as a part of this strategy, the U. S. has regularly engaged in " preventative war ", which he highlights is illegal under international law and could be categorised as a war crime.

Chomsky argues that the Republican neoconservative administration of President George W. Bush, elected to the presidency in 2001, differed from earlier administrations in one key respect: it was open about adhering to the Imperial Grand Strategy, outright declaring that it would be willing to use force to ensure U. S. global hegemony despite international condemnation.

Sowell cites Bertrand Russell, Noam Chomsky and Edmund Wilson as paradigmatic examples of this phenomenon.

Critics of United States foreign policy such as Noam Chomsky, Susan Sontag, and anti-globalist pranksters The Yes Men are widely accepted inside the movement.

Jane Jacobs described it as a natural consequence of collusion between those managing power and trade, while Noam Chomsky has argued that the word " crony " is superfluous when describing capitalism.

Noam Chomsky, linguist and scholar, contrasts conspiracy theory as more or less the opposite of institutional analysis, which focuses mostly on the public, long-term behaviour of publicly known institutions, as recorded in, for example, scholarly documents or mainstream media reports, rather than secretive coalitions of individuals.

In 1959, Noam Chomsky published a scathing review of B. F. Skinner's book Verbal Behavior.

Chomsky argued that in order to explain language, we needed a theory like generative grammar, which not only attributed internal representations but characterized their underlying order.

Within the field of computer science, specifically in the area of formal languages, the Chomsky hierarchy ( occasionally referred to as Chomsky – Schützenberger hierarchy ) is a containment hierarchy of classes of formal grammars.

This hierarchy of grammars was described by Noam Chomsky in 1956.

The concept of context-sensitive grammar was introduced by Noam Chomsky in the 1950s as a way to describe the syntax of natural language where it is indeed often the case that a word may or may not be appropriate in a certain place depending upon the context.

That is one of the four types of grammars in the Chomsky hierarchy.

Informed by the work of Noam Chomsky, Michel Foucault, and Antonio Gramsci, Edward Said is considered to be a founding figure for postcolonialism.

Others such as Michael Johnston and Noam Chomsky assert that classical liberalism as such can no longer exist in a modern day context as its principles were only relevant at the time its founding thinkers conceptualised them ; and that classical liberalism has grown into two divergent philosophies since the beginning of the twentieth century: social liberalism and market liberalism.

What Chomsky called a phrase structure grammar is also known now as a constituency grammar, whereby constituency grammars stand in contrast to dependency grammars.

* Marvin J. Chomsky ( born 1929 ), American television and film director

* Avram Noam Chomsky ( born 1928 ), American linguist, philosopher, cognitive scientist, political activist, author, lecturer, professor emeritus at < font color = 0 > MIT, known for early work in < font color = 0 > transformational grammar and < font color = 0 > A. I.

From the 1960s and 1970s onward, language, symbolism, text, and meaning came to be seen as the theoretical foundation for the humanities, through the influence of Ludwig Wittgenstein, Ferdinand de Saussure, George Herbert Mead, Noam Chomsky, Hans-Georg Gadamer, Roland Barthes, Jacques Derrida and other thinkers in linguistic and analytic philosophy, structural linguistics, symbolic interactionism, hermeneutics, semiology, linguistically oriented psychoanalysis ( Jacques Lacan, Alfred Lorenzer ), and deconstruction.

Every grammar in Chomsky normal form is context-free, and conversely, every context-free grammar can be transformed into an equivalent one which is in Chomsky normal form.

Another way to define Chomsky normal form ( e. g., Hopcroft and Ullman 1979, and Hopcroft et al.

Only those context-free grammars which do not generate the empty string, can be transformed into Chomsky reduced form.