Ravi Batra argues that " all official economic measures adopted since 1981 ... have devastated the middle class " and that the Occupy Wall Street movement should push for their repeal and thus end the influence of the super wealthy in the political process, which he considers a manifestation of crony capitalism.

He argues that there is a relation between political power and democide.

Silvermintz notes that, " Historians of economic thought credit Plato, primarily on account of arguments advanced in his Republic, as an early proponent of the division of labor .” Notwithstanding this, Silvermintz argues that, " While Plato recognizes both the economic and political benefits of the division of labor, he ultimately critiques this form of economic arrangement insofar as it hinders the individual from ordering his own soul by cultivating acquisitive motives over prudence and reason.

Richard Beardsworth, developing on Critchley's Ethics of Deconstruction, argues in his 1996 Derrida and the Political that deconstruction is an intrinsically political practice.

The Holocaust Industry: Reflections on the Exploitation of Jewish Suffering is a 2000 book by Norman G. Finkelstein that argues that the American Jewish establishment exploits the memory of the Nazi Holocaust for political and financial gain, as well as to further the interests of Israel.

Amal Saad-Ghorayeb, a Lebanese political analyst, argues that although Zionism has influenced Hezbollah's anti-Judaism, " it is not contingent upon it " because Hezbollah's hatred of Jews is more religiously motivated than politically motivated.

Paul Nagel argues that his political acumen was not any less developed than others were in his day, and notes that Henry Clay, one of the era's most astute politicians, was a principal advisor to Adams and supporter throughout his presidency.

Nagel argues that Adams ' political problems were the result of an unusually hostile Jacksonian faction, and Adams ' own dislike of the office.

Of political justice, Aristotle argues that it is partly derived from nature and partly a matter of convention.

Rawls argues from this ' original position ' that we would choose exactly the same political liberties for everyone, like freedom of speech, the right to vote and so on.

The platform argues that " We have vital need of an organization which, having attracted most of the participants in the anarchist movement, would establish a common tactical and political line for anarchism and thereby serve as a guide for the whole movement ".

Rabbi David Dalin's The Myth of Hitler's Pope argues that critics of Pius XII are liberal Catholics and ex-Catholics who " exploit the tragedy of the Jewish people during the Holocaust to foster their own political agenda of forcing changes on the Catholic Church today " and that Pius XII was responsible for saving the lives of many thousands of Jews.

Once these religious elements are removed, Richards argues that it is clear " the whole episode was political in nature.

Machiavelli therefore also argues against the use of idealistic models in politics, and has been described as the father of the " politics model " of political science.

James Boyd White argues further that rhetoric is capable not only of addressing issues of political interest but that it can influence culture as a whole.

In it, she argues against making alliances with the political right in opposition to pornography and prostitution, as occurred, for example, during the Meese Commission hearings in the United States.

Lakoff also argues that metaphor plays an important part in political debates where it matters whether one is arguing in favor of the " right to life " or against the " right to choose "; whether one is discussing " illegal aliens " or " undocumented workers ".

A similar analysis is present in more recent works, such as those of Graeme Gill, who argues that " was not a natural flow-on of earlier developments ; formed a sharp break resulting from conscious decisions by leading political actors.

Frank argues that Gandhi's assumption of emergency powers in 1975 resulted in the weakening of the " legitimate and impartial machinery of government ", and her increasing " paranoia " of opposing political groups led her to instigate a " despotic policy of playing castes, religions and political groups against each other for political advantage ".

The historian Gordon S. Wood argues that Jefferson's political philosophy was a product of his time and his scientific interests.

Historian Eric Foner argues that Paine's works " forged a new political language " designed to bring politics to the people, using a " clear, simple and straightforward " style.

Sacvan Bercovitch, a scholar of the sermon, argues that Paine's writing often resembles that of the jeremiad or " political sermon ".

McKibben argues that the political party system of the Edwardian era was in delicate balance on the eve of the war in 1914.

Instead, Winful argues that the group delay in tunneling is not actually the transit time for the pulse ( whose spatial length must be greater than the barrier length in order for its spectrum to be narrow enough to allow tunneling ), but is instead the lifetime of the energy stored in a standing wave which forms inside the barrier.

Nietzsche argues that the tragedy of Ancient Greece was the highest form of art due to its mixture of both Apollonian and Dionysian elements into one seamless whole, allowing the spectator to experience the full spectrum of the human condition.

He argues that his model can explain both the fidelity of the CMB spectrum to that of a black body and the low level of anisotropies found.

The party, however, argues to be in a position on the political spectrum that supposedly goes beyond the issue " left-right ", considered by its members to be anachronistic and unrealistic.

Whiteness has so many different definitions that the word is “ nothing less than a moving target .” Arnsen moreover notes that whiteness studies scholars are entirely on the far left of the political spectrum, and suggests that their apparent vitriol towards white Americans is due in part to white workers not fulfilling the predictions of Marxist theory that the proletariat would overcome racial, national and class distinctions to unite and overthrow capitalism ; he cites as an example Roediger ’ s afterword to the seminal < I > Wages of Whiteness </ i > which asserts that the book was written as a reaction to “ the appalling extent to which white male workers voted for Reaganism in the 1980s .” Arnsen also argues that in the absence of supporting evidence, whiteness studies often relies on amateurish Freudian speculation about the motives of white people: “ The psychoanalysis of whiteness here differs from the ' talking cure ' of Freudianism partly in its neglect of the speech of those under study .” Without more accurate scholarship, Arnsen writes that “ it is time to retire whiteness for more precise historical categories and analytical tools .”

The dimensional approach, influenced by personality theory, argues that full blown psychotic illness is just the most extreme end of the schizotypy spectrum and there is a natural continuum between people with low and high levels of schizotypy.

Paul Strathern, a British writer and academic, argues that Leo while homosexual, was not sexually active as pope, despite identifying notable members of that family as such.

Huntington also argues that civilizational conflicts are " particularly prevalent between Muslims and non-Muslims ", identifying the " bloody borders " between Islamic and non-Islamic civilizations.

Chartalists, like other Keynesians accept the paradox of thrift, which argues that identifying behavior of individual households and the nation as a whole commits the fallacy of composition ; while the paradox of thrift ( and thus deficit spending for fiscal stimulus ) is widely accepted in economics, the Chartalist form is not.

In identifying the dynamic influence of structural, economic, and cultural factors, he argues against either / or politicized views of poverty among African Americans that either focus blame solely on cultural factors or only on unjust structural factors.

Lotte Motz ( 1975 ) argues that the poem represents the initiation of a young hero into a mother-goddess cult, identifying Svipdagr's mother Gróa with his lover, Menglöð, based primarily on a limited interpretation of the word mögr in Fjölsvinnsmál 47.

Rachel Bromwich suggests that Geoffrey was relying on an older tradition identifying the founder of Brittany with the prophetic Cynan, and argues that this identification is made already in Armes Prydein.

This accords with an earlier article, published in a journal of neurology, that closely examines Ravel's clinical history and argues that his works Boléro and Piano Concerto for the Left Hand both indicate the impacts of neurological disease.

In early 2007, D ' Souza published The Enemy at Home: The Cultural Left and its Responsibility for 9 / 11, in which he argues that the American cultural left was in large part responsible for the Muslim anger that led to the September 11 attacks.

Ben Shapiro, author of Primetime Propaganda: The True Hollywood Story of How the Left Took Over Your TV, argues that Hollywood has overemphasized the importance of the 18-49 market for advertisers.

Unlike much of the mainstream left in Canada, the International Socialists oppose Left Nationalism, which argues that Canada is a colony or dependency of the United States.

The IMT argues, therefore, that The Left is " the most serious political formation to the left of the Social Democratic Party ( SPD ) for generations.

Kerry voted for the No Child Left Behind Act and argues that it should be " fully funded " which would entail funding several programs up to authorized levels of funding.

French philosopher and author Bernard-Henri Lévy also argues in his book Left in Dark Times that modern anti-imperialism is nothing more than thinly disguised anti-Americanism and has been too commonly evoked by Third World dictators and extremist movements to distract their audiences from their own crimes and abuses of power.

Strictly methodical ( and successful ) investigation of the symbols was first done by Ottó Gyürk, who examined repeated sequences to find the direction of writing ( he argues for RLTB ( Right to Left Top to Bottom ), pages also going right-to-left ), and identified numbers in the text.