One such figure was Phanes of Halicarnassus, who would later on leave Amasis, for reasons Herodotus does not clearly know but suspects were personal between the two figures.

# Herodotus nowhere states or implies that peace was concluded between the two states before 481 BC, nor does he distinguish between different wars during this period.

There does, however, seem to have been a delay between the Athenian arrival at Marathon, and the battle ; Herodotus, who evidently believed that Miltiades was eager to attack, may have made a mistake whilst seeking to explain this delay.

Herodotus does not estimate the size of the Persian army, only saying that they were a " large infantry that was well packed ".

Herodotus says that Croesus regarded the Phrygian royal house as " friends " but does not mention whether the Phrygian royal house still ruled as ( vassal ) kings of Phrygia.

He does not know when or how, but like Herodotus he blames the poets.

Unlike Herodotus, whose stories often teach that a foolish arrogance — hubris — invites the wrath of the gods, Thucydides does not acknowledge divine intervention in human affairs.

In contrast, Thucydides claims to confine himself to factual reports of contemporary political and military events, based on unambiguous, first-hand, eye-witness accounts, although, unlike Herodotus, he does not reveal his sources.

Herodotus, writing about Babylon closest in time to Nebuchadnezzar II, does not mention the Hanging Gardens in his Histories.

: Herodotus, the original source for this story, does not state the name of the mother of Cleobis and Biton.

This mythic element says that the oracles at the oasis of Siwa in Libya and of Dodona in Epirus were equally old, but similarly transmitted by Phoenician culture, and that the seeresses — Herodotus does not say " sibyls " — were women.

Herodotus says Midas was Gordias ' son and does not mention Cybele.

Herodotus does not mention if this Gordias was still alive when Adrastus fled, or if this Gordias or his father Midas ever reigned as ( vassal ) kings.

Herodotus, who does not mention the Pisidians, enumerates the Pamphylians among the nations of Asia Minor, while Ephorus mentions them both, correctly including the one among the nations on the coast, the other among those of the interior.

They sent the Phoenician ships away ( Herodotus does not explain why ), and then sailed to the shore near Mount Mycale.

Herodotus does not mention specific figures for casualties, merely saying that losses were heavy on both sides.

It has also been suggested ( Herodotus does not explicitly say so ) that Aristagoras incited the whole army to join his revolt, and also took possession of the ships that the Persians had supplied.

Herodotus does not formulate an abstract name for the union but simply calls them "" ( the Greeks ) and " the Greeks who had sworn alliance " ( Godley translation ) or " the Greeks who had banded themselves together " ( Rawlinson translation ).

Thucydides did not mention it, however Herodotus does, as does Plutarch, who thought it had either been signed after the Battle of the Eurymedon in 466 BC, or that it had never been signed at all.

This universal principle of natural order might be called Moira which according to Herodotus a god cannot escape, or Ananke as Simonides does, saying that even the gods don ’ t fight against it.

Herodotus does not however, relate exactly what Cleisthenes ' reform was.

Herodotus gives an account of the battle but does not give any numbers.

Homer mentions ololuge ( ululation ) in his works, as does Herodotus, citing ululation in North Africa – where it is still practiced – saying: I think for my part that the loud cries uttered in our sacred rites came also from thence ; for the Libyan women are greatly given to such cries and utter them very sweetly.

Amasis worrying that his daughter would be a concubine to the Persian king refused to give up his offspring ; Amasis also was not willing to take on the Persian empire so he concocted a trickery in which he forced the daughter of the ex-pharaoh Apries, whom Herodotus explicitly confirms to have been killed by Amasis, to go to Persia instead of his own offspring.

The Histories of Herodotus vii. 33-37 and vii. 54-58 give details of building and crossing of Xerxes ' Pontoon Bridges.

Herodotus mentions writing on skins as common in his time, the 5th century BCE ; and in his Histories ( v. 58 ) he states that the Ionians of Asia Minor had been accustomed to give the name of skins ( diphtherai ) to books ; this word was adapted by Hellenized Jews to describe scrolls.

They faced a Persian army who had invaded from the north of Greece under Xerxes I. Herodotus stated that this army consisted of over two million men ; modern scholars consider this to be an exaggeration and give estimates ranging from 50, 000 to 200, 000.

According to ancient historians such as Herodotus, they have been said at times to wear a thin tiara over their face, in order to give them a faceless, menacing look, coupled with their ' deathless ' reputation.

Thebes ' exact placement was unknown in medieval Europe, though both Herodotus and Strabo give the exact location of Thebes and how long up the Nile one must travel to reach it.

Both Xenophon ( Cyropaedia, 7. 5. 28-30 ) and Herodotus ( The Histories, 1. 191 ) recount the fall of Babylon to Cyrus the Great, yet neither of these writers give the name of the king of Babylon.

It has also been supposed ... that the Median king on whom Herodotus ’ account is centered was actually Deioces ’ son Phraortes, and it is therefore impossible to give the exact dates of Deioces ’ reign, which probably spanned most of the first half of the 7th century B. C. E.

The affinities between it and Hesiod, Herodotus, Manetho, and the Hebrew Bible ( specifically, the Torah and Deuteronomistic History ) as histories of the classical world give us an idea about how ancient people viewed their worlds.

Herodotus and Diodorus Siculus give different versions of the battle, which are hard to reconcile.

Herodotus, who lived from approximately 484 to 425 BC, is the earliest of the classical writers to give an account of her career, writing almost one hundred years later.

However, because Eurytus did turn back and died in combat, Aristodemus was regarded as a coward and subjected to humiliation and disgrace at the hands of his compatriots ; in the words of Herodotus, " no man would give him a light for his fire or speak to him ; he was called Aristodemus the Coward.

Herodotus was told that 120, 000 men perished in this undertaking, but this figure is doubtlessly exaggerated.

Herodotus ( IV. 64 ) describes them as Scythians, although they figure under a different name:

Pheidippides (, sometimes given as Phidippides, by Herodotus and Plutarch, or as Philippides ), hero of Ancient Greece, is the central figure in a story which was the inspiration for a modern sporting event, the marathon.

Herodotus, writing about 30 to 40 years after the events he describes, did, according to Miller ( 2006 ) in fact base his version of the battle on eyewitness accounts, so it seems altogether likely that Pheidippides was an actual historical figure, although the same source claims the classical author didn't ever in fact mention a Marathon-Athens runner in any of his writings.

For the origin of Cyrus the Great's mother, Herodotus identifies Mandane of Media, and Ctesias insists that she is fully Persian but gives no name, while Nicolaus gives the name " Argoste " as Atradates's wife ; whether this figure represents Cyno or Cambyses's unnamed Persian queen has yet to be determined.

Iranologist, Ilya Gershevitch explains this statement by Herodotus and its connection with the four winged bas-relief figure of Cyrus the Great in the following way:

:::" Herodotus, therefore as I surmise, may have known of the close connection, between this type of winged figure, and the image of the Iranian majesty, which he associated with a dream prognosticating, the king's death, before his last, fatal campaign across the Oxus.