Rwandan Hutu militia forces ( Interahamwe ), who had fled Rwanda following the ascension of a Tutsi-led government, had been using Hutu refugees camps in eastern Zaire as a basis for incursion against Rwanda.

While the Rwandan Civil War was a complex sequence of violent episodes which included killers and victims on all sides, most historians agree with RPF's assertions that the 1994 genocide was a deliberate, methodical Hutu campaign to completely exterminate the Tutsis, and that plans for the genocide were well known in advance by European, American, and UN officials.

** Rwandan Hutu rebels kill and dismember 8 foreign tourists at the Buhoma homestead, Uganda.

* The Rwandan Genocide – between 6 April 1994 until mid-July 1994 a mass killing of hundreds of thousands of Rwanda's Tutsis and Hutu political moderates occurred by the Hutu dominated government under the Hutu Power ideology.

In this war, militarized Tutsi elements in the South Kivu area of Zaire, known as Banyamulenge to disguise their original Rwandan Tutsi heritage, allied with the Tutsi RDF forces against the Hutu refugees in the North Kivu area, which included the Interahamwe militias.

Hutu and other Rwandan children in Virunga National Park.

A Tutsi rebel group, the Rwandan Patriotic Front, invaded Rwanda from Uganda, which started a civil war against Rwanda's Hutu government in 1990.

A peace agreement was signed, but violence erupted again, culminating in the Rwandan Genocide of 1994, when Hutu extremists killed an estimated 800, 000 Rwandans, mostly Tutsis.

The fighting culminated in the Hutu mass killings of Tutsi and Hutu in the Rwandan Genocide of 1994, in which the Hutu then in power killed an estimated 500, 000 – 1, 000, 000 people, largely of Tutsi origin.

Medicine and clothing were provided to both Hutu and Tutsi Witnesses during the 1994 Rwandan Genocide.

Intergroup conflict can be highly competitive, especially for social groups with a long history of conflict ( for example, the 1994 Rwandan Genocide, rooted in group conflict between the ethnic Hutu and Tutsi ).

Rwandan genocide remains an atrocity that the indigenous Hutu and Tutsi peoples still believe is unforgivable.

The respite was brief, as the plane carrying Ntaryamira and Rwandan president Juvénal Habyarimana, a fellow Hutu, was shot down by unknown assailants while landing at the Rwandan capital of Kigali killing both.

Tension between Tutsi and Hutu had been escalating through the 1950s, culminating in the 1959 Rwandan Revolution.

Following the Rwandan Genocide, Hutu refugees and many members of the former Hutu-led government fled as part of the Great Lakes refugee crisis.

In November 1996 at the start of the First Congo War, Rwandan government forces consequently attacked the Hutu camps, and forces of the then Zaire government which allowed the insurgency.

In 1998, they accompanied General Romeo Dallaire to Tanzania where he was due to testify against a Rwandan Hutu official accused of complicity in the 1994 genocide.

The genocidal Hutu government was francophone whereas the rebel RPF was invading from anglophone Uganda.

The RPF renewed its civil war against the Rwanda Hutu government when it received word that the genocidal massacres had begun.

Opération Turquoise is controversial for two reasons: accusations that it was a failed attempt to prop up the genocidal Hutu regime and that its mandate undermined the UNAMIR.

Local revolts subsequently took place by Hutu peasants against several Tutsi leaders in northern Burundi ; these Hutu militias killed hundreds of Tutsi families in the process.

Along with the main Hutu rebel group, National Council for the Defense of Democracy – Forces for the Defense of Democracy ( FDD ), President Ndayizeye signed a ceasefire agreement at a summit of African leaders in Tanzania in November 2003.

“ Fed and protected in refugee camps supported by millions of dollars in international aid, the Hutu Power leaders were able to hold regular planning meetings and to recruit new members .” With Bagosora actively involved, they rebuilt their military structures with the purpose of wiping out the Tutsi population.

Bagosora later moved to Cameroon with several other Hutu Power leaders.

Black has argued that the leaders of NATO should themselves be brought before the tribunal for war crimes, and was one of a group of Canadian lawyers, led by Professor Michael Mandel of Osgoode Hall Law School, who laid war crimes charges against all Nato leaders and officers in 1999 for the bombing of Yugoslavia and criticised Louise Arbour, former prosecutor of the ICTY and ICTR because of her cooperation with NATO leaders during the 1999 bombing of Serbia and because, as Chief Prosecutor at the Rwanda War Crimes Tribunal she stopped the investigation into the murder of the Hutu Presidents of Rwanda and Burundi on April 6, 1994 when their plane was shot down by anti-aircraft missiles after she learned that the Tutsi-dominated Rwandan Patriotic Front ( RPF ) were responsible, a fact confirmed by both her lead investigator, Australian lawyer Michael Hourigan and as contained in the Hourigan Report, a UN document, now an exhibit in the Miitary II trial, ICTR.

Founded in August 1979, one of its most prominent leaders was the ethnic Hutu intellectual Melchior Ndadaye, who became the first democratically elected president of Burundi in 1993.

The poachers are believed to be former Hutu rebels, poorly paid Congolese soldiers, and local militia groups.

There are also many innocent Hutu who remain in the forests of eastern Congo, particularly Rutshuru, Masisi and Bukavu, who have been misinformed by rebel forces that they will be killed upon return to Rwanda.

These are claimed to be remnants of Hutu forces that cannot return to Rwanda without facing genocide charges, yet are not welcomed in Congo and are pursued by DRC troops.

The Hutu, also known as the Abahutu, are an ethnic group in Central Africa.

The Hutu are the largest of the three main population divisions in Burundi and Rwanda.

According to the Central Intelligence Agency, 84 % of Rwandans and 85 % of Burundians are Hutu, with Tutsis the next largest ethnic group at 15 % and 14 % of residents in Rwanda and Burundi, respectively.

The Hutu are believed to have first emigrated to Central Africa from West Africa in the great Bantu expansion.

Still others suggest that the two groups are related but not identical, and that differences between them were exacerbated by Europeans, or by a gradual, natural split, as those who owned cattle became known as Tutsi and those who did not became Hutu.

The social categories are thus real, but there is little if any detectable genetic differentiation between Hutu and Tutsi.

They are the second largest population division among the three largest groups in Rwanda and Burundi, the other two being the Hutu ( largest ) and the Twa ( smallest ).

The social categories are thus real, but there is little if any detectable genetic differentiation between Hutu and Tutsi.

Despite the failure of UNAMIR in its main mission, its humanitarian services during the 1994 genocide are recognized to this day as having saved the lives of thousands or tens of thousands of Rwandan Tutsi and Hutu moderates who would have otherwise been killed.

There were reports that Uganda permitted Kinshasa to send arms to the Hutu FDLR via territory held by Uganda-backed rebels as Uganda, Kinshasa and the Hutus are all seeking, in varying degrees, to check the influence of Rwanda and its affiliates.

Tensions between the Hutu and Tutsi peoples lead to a war in Rwanda, where corruption and bribes between politicians are routine.

Next in line when it comes to responsibility are France, which moved in too late and ended up protecting the genocidaires and permanently destabilizing the region, and the U. S. government, which actively worked against an effective UNAMIR and only got involved to aid the same Hutu refugee population and the genocidaires, leaving the genocide survivors to flounder and suffer.

She was frequently regarded as one of the powers behind the throne during her husband's 20-year presidency, and her family connections to powerful Hutu politicians are often regarded as having provided necessary political capital for Habyarimana.

Two Senators, one Hutu and one Tutsi, are chosen by electoral colleges of communal councilors in each of the country's 17 provinces.