In 1953, sociologist Theodor W. Adorno conducted a study of the astrology column of a Los Angeles newspaper as part of a project examining mass culture in capitalist society.

His financial policies, based on the notion of balanced budgets, low taxes and laissez-faire, were suited to a developing capitalist society but could not respond effectively as economic and social conditions changed.

This search culminated in plans to write a major work on life leadership in the specific historical context of modern ( capitalist ) society.

Many Dadaists believed that the ' reason ' and ' logic ' of bourgeois capitalist society had led people into war.

Plenge believed that ethnic solidarity ( volksgemeinschaft ) would replace class division and that " racial comrades " would unite to create a socialist society in the struggle of " proletarian " Germany against " capitalist " Britain.

Ancient society was based on a ruling class of slave owners and a class of slaves ; feudalism was based on landowners and serfs ; and capitalism based on the capitalist class and the working class.

Thus, there is the idea that in the capitalist mode of production the behaviour of actors in the market economy ( means of production, distribution and exchange, the relations of production ) plays the major role in configuring society.

Marcuse's critiques of capitalist society ( especially his 1955 synthesis of Marx and Freud, Eros and Civilization, and his 1964 book One-Dimensional Man ) resonated with the concerns of the student movement in the 1960s.

" It is for this reason that it has been suggested that in order to understand American individualist anarchism one must take into account " the social context of their ideas, namely the transformation of America from a pre-capitalist to a capitalist society ... the non-capitalist nature of the early U. S. can be seen from the early dominance of self-employment ( artisan and peasant production ).

For Catalan historian Xavier Diez, individualist anarchism " under its iconoclastic, antiintelectual, antitheist run, which goes against all sacralized ideas or values it entailed, a philosophy of life which could be considered a reaction against the sacred gods of capitalist society.

Proceeding on from this, the Manifesto presents the argument for why the Communist League, as opposed to other socialist and liberal political parties and groups at the time, was truly acting in the interests of the proletariat to overthrow capitalist society and replace it with socialism.

He wrote that " the historical trend of our age is the fatal crisis which capitalist production has undergone in the European and American countries where it has reached its highest peak, a crisis that will end in its destruction, in the return of modern society to a higher form of the most archaic type — collective production and appropriation ".

As he wrote in his " Critique of the Gotha Program ", " between capitalist and communist society there lies the period of the revolutionary transformation of the one into the other.

The reasons for Marx's widespread influence revolve around his ethical message: with its " morally empowering language of critique " against the dominant capitalist society, no other body of work was so relevant to modern times and simultaneously so outspoken about the need for change.

The revolutionary autonomous movement of which he was a part made various tactical military pacts while fighting various forces of reaction and organizing the Free Territory of Ukraine, an anarchist society, committed to resisting state authority, whether capitalist or Bolshevik.

Whereas capitalist ( and right-libertarian ) principles concentrate economic power in the hands of those who own the most capital, libertarian socialism aims to distribute power, and thus freedom, more equally amongst members of society.

Some libertarian socialists see violent revolution as necessary in the abolition of capitalist society.

Debord argued in 1967 that spectacular features like mass media and advertising have a central role in an advanced capitalist society, which is to show a fake reality in order to mask the real capitalist degradation of human life.

The dictatorship of the proletariat or workers ' state are terms used by Marxists to describe what they see as a temporary state between the capitalist and communist society.

Before the Revolution, despite supporting political reform ( including Bolsheviks elected to the Duma, when opportune ), Lenin proposed that capitalism could ultimately only be overthrown with revolution, not with gradual reforms — from within ( Fabianism ) and from without ( social democracy ) — which would fail, because the ruling capitalist social class, who hold economic power ( the means of production ), determine the nature of political power in a bourgeois society.

Utopian socialists such as Robert Owen ( 1771 – 1858 ) tried to found self-sustaining communes by secession from a capitalist society.

For Marx and Engels, conditions determine consciousness and ending the role of the capitalist class leads eventually to a classless society in which the state would wither away.

Joseph Schumpeter rejected the association of socialism and social ownership with state ownership over the means of production, because the state as it exists in its current form is a product of capitalist society and cannot be transplanted into a different institutional framework.

Reformism is the belief that socialists should stand in parliamentary elections within capitalist society, and if elected, utilize the machinery of government to pass political and social reforms for the purposes of ameliorating the instabilities and inequities of capitalism.

For Braverman the pursuit of capitalist interests over time ultimately leads to deskilling and routinisation of the worker.

In the course of economic relations, the working class and the bourgeoisie continually engage in class struggle, wherein the capitalists exploit the workers, whilst the workers resist their economic exploitation, which occurs because the worker owns no means of production, and, to earn a living, he or she seeks employment from the bourgeois capitalist ; the worker produces goods and services that are property of the employer, who sells them for a price.

In brief, the profit gained by the capitalist is the difference between the value of the product made by the worker and the actual wage that the worker receives ; in other words, capitalism functions on the basis of paying workers less than the full value product of their labor.

The theoretic basis of alienation within the capitalist mode of production is that the worker invariably loses the ability to determine his or her life and destiny, when deprived of the right to think ( conceive ) of himself as the director of his actions ; to determine the character of said actions ; to define his relationship with other people ; and to own the things and use the value of the goods and services, produced with his labour.

In the Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844 ( 1927 ), Karl Marx identified four types of alienation ( Entfremdung ) that occur to the worker labouring under a capitalist system of industrial production.

Moreover, the capitalist production system also reifies labour into the “ concrete ” concept of “ work ” ( a job ), for which the worker is paid wages — at the lowest possible rate — that maintain a maximum rate of return on the Capitalist ’ s investment capital ; this is an aspect of exploitation.

That division of labour, within the capitalist mode of production, further exploits the worker by limiting his or her Gattungswesen ( species-essence ) — the human being ’ s power to determine the purpose to which the product ( goods and services ) shall be applied ; the human nature ( species-essence ) of the worker is fulfilled when he or she controls the “ subject of labour ”.

Despite the ideologic promise of industrialisation — that the mechanisation of industrial production would raise the mass of the workers, from a brutish life of subsistence existence, to the self-respect of honourable work — the division of labour inherent to the capitalist mode of production, thwarted the human nature ( Gattungswesen ) of the worker, and so rendered each man and woman into a mechanistic part of an industrialised system of production, from being a person capable of defining his and her value through direct, purposeful activity.

Hence, each worker could direct his and her labour to productive work suitable to his and her innate abilities — rather than be forced into a narrowly defined, minimal-wage “ job ” meant to extract maximal profit from the labour of the individual worker, as determined by and dictated under the capitalist mode of production.

In the classless, collectively-managed Communist society, the exchange of value between the objectified productive labour of one worker, and the consumption benefit derived from that production, will not be determined by or directed to the narrow business interests of a bourgeois capitalist class, but, instead, will be directed to meet the needs of each producer and consumer, of each member of society.

In a capitalist economy, the businessmen who own the means of production establish a competitive labour-market meant to extract from the worker as much labour ( value ) as possible, in the form of capital.

The capitalist economy ’ s arrangement of the relations of production provokes social conflict by pitting worker against worker, in a competition for “ higher wages ”, thereby alienating them from their mutual economic interests ; the effect is a false consciousness, which is a form of ideologic control exercised by the capitalist bourgeoisie.

( See: Cultural hegemony ) Furthermore, in the capitalist mode of production, the philosophic collusion of religion in justifying the relations of production facilitates the realisation, and then worsens, the alienation ( Entfremdung ) of the worker from his and her humanity ; it is a socio-economic role independent of religion being “ the opiate of the masses ”.

Although overseas colonies provided cheap slave labor for part of the Industrial Revolution period, local labor in Britain itself was more expensive than in China, providing the capitalist class an incentive to improve worker efficiency.

Once in the capitalist's employ, the capitalist can have him operate a boot-making machine using which the worker produces $ 10 worth of work every fifteen minutes.

There are however, some major discrepancies between Spencer ’ s capitalist evolutionary conceptions and Andrew Carnegie ’ s capitalist practices.

Furthermore, Trotsky ’ s theory of Permanent Revolution proposed that socialist revolutions in underdeveloped countries would go further towards dismantling feudal régimes, and establish socialist democracies that would not pass through a capitalist stage of development and government.

In contrast, Stalin and allies proposed that alliances with capitalist political parties were essential to realising a revolution where Communists were too few ; said Stalinist practice failed, especially in the Northern Expedition portion of the Chinese Revolution ( 1925 – 1927 ), wherein it resulted in the right-wing Kuomintang ’ s massacre of the Chinese Communist Party ; nonetheless, despite the failure, Stalin ’ s policy of mixed-ideology political alliances, became Comintern policy.

" A similar position was taken by the Fourth International in January 1941, which stated " Roosevelt ’ s administration, which claims to be democratic, is really the representative of these piratic plutocrats " and that " the twin capitalist parties control all the main avenues for reaching the masses ( the press, radio, halls, etcetera ... they collect millions from their wealthy masters and spend them to bamboozle the public and buy elections ".

However, in 1933 the Surrealists ’ assertion that a ' proletarian literature ' within a capitalist society was impossible led to their break with the Association des Ecrivains et Artistes Révolutionnaires, and the expulsion of Breton, Éluard and Crevel from the Communist Party.

Fromm ’ s critique of the modern political order and capitalist system led him to seek insights from medieval feudalism.

[...] The fundamental impulse that sets and keeps the capitalist engine in motion comes from the new consumers ’ goods, the new methods of production or transportation, the new markets, the new forms of industrial organization that capitalist enterprise creates.

Back in 1936 the Billancourt factory had been at the heart of violent political and industrial unrest that had surfaced in France under Leon Blum ’ s Popular Front government: although the political jostling and violence that followed the liberation was ostensibly a backlash from the rivalries between capitalist collaboration and communist resistance, many of the scores being settled actually predated the German invasion.

The Marxist perspective of the Theory of Colonial Dependency is contrasted with the capitalist economics of the free market, which propose that such poverty is a development stage in the poor country ’ s progress towards full, economic integration to the global economic system.

Moreover, the description of machinery, under capitalist relations of production, as " self-acting automata " derives from Aristotle ’ s speculations about inanimate instruments capable of obeying commands as the condition for the abolition of slavery.

The Paasikivi-Kekkonen line is president Urho Kekkonen ’ s ( 1956-1981 ) realization and development of his predecessor Paasikivi ’ s doctrine, aimed at Finland ’ s survival as an independent sovereign democratic and capitalist country in the immediate proximity of the Soviet Union.

This develops a new vocabulary and concepts on grounds that the existing ones of economics and sociology presuppose and thereby covertly perpetuate capitalist constructs, and that it is necessary to ‘ unfool ’ oneself before proceeding.

In the course of these Sammy Cash persuaded the RCP ’ s Jock Haston of the view that the Soviet Union was state capitalist.