Meanwhile, in Moscow, Khrushchev was adding his bit to the march of world law by promising to build a bomb with a wallop equal to 100 million tons of TNT, to knock sense into the heads of those backward oafs who can't see the justice of surrendering West Berlin to communism.

The reason was to speed up domestic production in the USSR, which Khrushchev promised upon grabbing power, and try to end the permanent recession in Russian living standards.

These never ceased to suggest that if, in the eyes of Marx and Lenin `` full communism '' was still a very distant ideal, the establishment of a Communist society had now, under Khrushchev, become an `` immediate and tangible reality ''.

It seems that Khrushchev himself took a very special pride in having made a world-shaking contribution to Marxist doctrine with his Draft Program ( a large part of his twelve-hour speech at the recent Congress was, in fact, very largely a rehash of that interminable document ).

Over all these fairly awkward problems Khrushchev was to skate rather lightly ; ;

Mr. Khrushchev was jesting in the expansive mood of the successful banker.

One of the initial questions put to President Kennedy at his first news conference last January was about his attitude toward a meeting with Premier Khrushchev.

The President knew that a confrontation with Mr. Khrushchev sooner or later probably was inevitable and even desirable.

Thus when Premier Khrushchev intimated even before inauguration that he hoped for an early meeting with the new President, Mr. Kennedy was confronted with a delicate problem.

The letter, dated Feb. 22, was delivered to Premier Khrushchev in Novosibirsk, Siberia, on March 9.

There was reason to believe that Premier Khrushchev was also concerned about a possible spread of nuclear weapons, particularly to Communist China.

It was in the midst of such White House deliberations that Premier Khrushchev on May 4 made new inquiries through the U. S. Embassy in Moscow about a meeting with the President in the near future.

There was also the fact that by the time he meets Mr. Khrushchev, the President will have completed conversations with all the other principal Allied leaders.

After Cuba and Laos, it was argued, Mr. Khrushchev will interpret the President's consent to the meeting as further evidence of Western weakness -- perhaps even panic -- and is certain to try to exploit the advantage he now believes he holds.

The question was raised, for example, as to what attitude the President would take if Mr. Khrushchev proposes a broad neutral belt extending from Southeast Asia to the Middle East.

Though President John F. Kennedy was primarily concerned with the crucial problems of Berlin and disarmament adviser McCloy's unexpected report from Khrushchev, his new enthusiasm and reliance on personal diplomacy involved him in other key problems of U.S. foreign policy last week.

This leader must be a man who lives above illusions that heretofore have shaped the foreign policy of the United States, namely that Russia will agree to a reunited Germany, that the East German government does not exist, that events in Japan in June 1960 were Communist-inspired, that the true government of China is in Formosa, that Mao was the evil influence behind Khrushchev at the Summit Conference in Paris in May 1960, and that either China or Russia wants or expects war.

Chaplin continued being a subject to political controversy throughout the 1950s, especially as he was awarded the International Peace Prize by the Communist World Peace Council and lunched with Chou En-Lai in 1954, and when he briefly met Nikita Khrushchev in 1956.

But six months after the crisis, a Gallup Poll found that public worry about nuclear weapons had fallen back to its lowest point since 1957, and there was a view, disputed by CND supporters, that U. S. President John F. Kennedy's success in facing down Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev turned the British public away from CND.

" The half-hearted invasion left Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev and his advisers with the impression that Kennedy was indecisive and, as one Soviet adviser wrote, " too young, intellectual, not prepared well for decision making in crisis situations ... too intelligent and too weak.

In addition, Khrushchev ’ s impression of Kennedy ’ s weakness was confirmed by the President ’ s soft response during the Berlin Crisis of 1961, particularly the building of the Berlin Wall.

Khrushchev increased the perception of a missile gap when he loudly boasted to the world that the USSR was building missiles " like sausages " whose numbers and capabilities actually were nowhere close to his assertion.

In May 1962, Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev was persuaded by the idea of countering the United States ' growing lead in developing and deploying strategic missiles by placing Soviet intermediate-range nuclear missiles in Cuba.

A second reason Soviet missiles were deployed to Cuba was because Khrushchev wanted to bring West Berlin — the American / British / French-controlled democratic zone within Communist East Germany — into the Soviet orbit.

It was only after Zhdanov's death that Nikita Khrushchev began to be considered as a possible alternative to the Beria-Malenkov axis.

Indeed, Laurent Casanova and Marcel Servin pleaded for a critique of Stalinism in the light of the 1956 secret speech by Khrushchev, and they considered the political positions of the Gaullists to be distinct from the atlantist line of the government of the French Fourth Republic.

After this, Khrushchev made many desperate attempts to reconstitute the Sino-Soviet alliance, but Mao considered it useless and denied any proposal.

After Stalin's death, he became Premier of the Soviet Union ( 1953 – 1955 ) and was considered the most powerful Soviet politician before being overshadowed and ousted by Nikita Khrushchev.

The fact the composer would have felt compelled to do so in the midst of the Khrushchev thaw could certainly be considered questionable, and the government at this point in his career may have found it more politic to exploit Shostakovich than to harass him.

Yevtushenko's poem Babi Yar appeared in the Literaturnaya Gazeta in September 1961 and, along with the publication of Alexander Solzhenitsyn's novel One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich in Novy Mir, was considered a high point of the relaxation in Soviet censorship during the premiership of Nikita Khrushchev.

In 1961, Pyotr Grigorenko started to openly criticize what he considered the excesses of the Khrushchev regime.

Voznesensky was considered " one of the most daring writers of the Soviet era " but his style often led to regular criticism from his contemporaries and he was once threatened with expulsion by Nikita Khrushchev .< ref name =" Russian poet Andrei Voznesensky dies aged 77 ">

When Nikita Khrushchev took over the leadership of the Soviet Union after the death of Joseph Stalin in 1953, Anton Nilson considered it a positive development.

During the Khrushchev Thaw he became popular among young painters and many considered Falk to be the main bridge between the traditions of the Russian and French Moderne of the beginning of 20th century and Russian avant-garde and the Russian avant-garde of the 1960s.

Vasily Stalin asked the new Soviet leaders, Nikita Khrushchev and Georgi Malenkov, for clemency but he was considered a dangerous person and he was judged in a behind-closed-doors trial and was not allowed legal representation.

Mao believed that Khrushchev was not adhering to Marxism – Leninism, but was instead a revisionist, altering his policies from basic Marxist concepts, something Mao feared would allow capitalists to eventually regain control of the country.

In 1963, the Chinese Communist Party began to openly denounce the Soviet Union, publishing a series of nine polemics against its Marxist revisionism, with one of them being titled On Khrushchev's Phoney Communism and Historical Lessons for the World, in which Mao charged that Khrushchev was not only a revisionist but also increased the danger of capitalist restoration.

Khrushchev was accused of being a revisionist who encouraged conciliation with the bourgeoisie rather than adequately calling for its overthrow by the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Albanian Communist leader Enver Hoxha, for instance, strongly condemned Khrushchev as revisionist.

Cemetery of the PartisansAfter WWII, under communism, the port was leased to the Soviet Union as a submarine base, and played an important part in the conflict between Enver Hoxha and Nikita Khrushchev in 1960-1961, as the Soviet Union had made considerable investments in the naval facilities at nearby Pasha Liman and objected strongly to the loss of them as a consequence of Albania denouncing the USSR as ' revisionist ' and taking the Chinese side in the split in the world communist movement.

The party was divided between supporters of the Soviet Union under Nikita Khrushchev and those who claimed Khrushchev was a " revisionist " and chose instead to follow China under Mao Zedong.

In turn, Mao insulted Khrushchev as a Marxist revisionist, criticizing him as “ patriarchal, arbitrary and tyrannical ”.

When the Sino-Soviet split occurred in the 1960s, the Communist Party was sharply divided between supporters of the Soviet Union ( led by the " revisionist " Nikita Khrushchev ) and supporters of China ( led by the radical Mao Zedong ).

The revisionist policy shift of Nikita Khrushchev at the 20th Congress of the CPSU in February 1956, changed Bahro's views.

Kang visited the Soviet Union and various socialist countries in Eastern Europe on several occasions between 1956 and 1964, expressing increasing disdain for the “ revisionist ” policies of Nikita Khrushchev and Josip Broz Tito.

The speech was a major cause of the Sino-Soviet Split in which the People's Republic of China ( under Mao Zedong ) and Albania ( under Enver Hoxha ) condemned Khrushchev as a revisionist.