Within Marxist theory, Lenin's concept of the labor aristocracy and his description of imperialism, andseparately, but not necessarily unrelatedlyTrotsky's theories regarding the deformed workers ' state, offer several explanations as to why the world revolution has not occurred to the present day.

Egyptian intellectual Tariq al-Bishri has compared the influence of Milestones to Vladimir Lenin's pamphlet What Is To Be Done ?, where the founder of modern Communism outlined his theories of how Communism would be different than socialism.

Although at first the disagreement appeared to be minor and inspired by personal conflicts, for example, Lenin's insistence on dropping less active editorial board members from Iskra or Martov's support for the Organizing Committee of the Congress which Lenin opposed, the differences quickly grew and the split became irreparable.

Stalin had managed to turn Lenin's hierarchical model on its head ; under Lenin the Party Congress and the Central Committee were the highest decision-making organs, under Stalin the Politburo, Secretariat and the Orgburo became the most important decision-making bodies.

With Lenin's admission of limited private enterprise through his New Economic Policy ( NEP ) of 1921, Russia began receiving fiction films from afar, an occurrence that Vertov regarded with undeniable suspicion, calling drama a " corrupting influence " on the proletarian sensibility (" On ' Kinopravda ,'" 1924 ).

Lenin's Bolshevik Revolution on 7 November transferred political power in Petrograd to the radical, left-wing socialists, a turn of events which suited a German Empire exhausted from fighting on two major fronts.

As a result, Svinhufvud and his senate delegation won Lenin's concession of sovereignty on 31 December 1917.

In domestic policy the People's Delegation sought socialism based on the Finnish Social Democratic ethos ; their vision of democratic socialism for the country differed sharply from Lenin's dictatorship of the proletariat.

This recent growth was inspired in part by theoretical works on guerrilla warfare, starting with the Manual de Guerra de Guerrillas by Matías Ramón Mella written in the 19th century and, more recently, Mao Zedong's On Guerrilla Warfare, Che Guevara's Guerrilla Warfare and Lenin's text of the same name, all written after the successful revolutions carried by them in China, Cuba and Russia respectively.

* Ernest Mandel, The Place of Marxism in History ( modelled on Lenin's " Three components of Marxism " but with an interesting section on the reception and diffusion of Marxism in the world )

By 1921, he changed his position and accepted Lenin's emphasis on the survival and strengthening of the Soviet state as the bastion of the future world revolution.

Stalin wanted to impose the death penalty on those involved, despite Lenin's injunction against bloodletting among Party members, but he was resisted by moderates.

They also note that Lenin put a ban on factions within the Russian Communist Party and introduced the one-party state in 1921-a move that enabled Stalin to get rid of his rivals easily after Lenin's death, and cite Felix Dzerzhinsky, who, during the Bolshevik struggle against opponents in the Russian Civil War, exclaimed " We stand for organised terror – this should be frankly stated ".

Therefore it is wrong to claim, as the official Soviet historians later did, that Dzerzhinsky had been one of Lenin's oldest and most reliable comrades, or that Lenin had exercised some sort of spellbinding influence on Dzerzhinsky and the SDKPiL.

Kamenev was arrested after the outbreak of World War I and put on trial, where he distanced himself from Lenin's anti-war stance.

After Lenin's return to Russia on 3 April 1917, Kamenev briefly resisted Lenin's anti-government April Theses, but soon fell in line and supported Lenin until September.

Brzezinski then attended Harvard University to work on a doctorate, focusing on the Soviet Union and the relationship between the October Revolution, Vladimir Lenin's state, and the actions of Joseph Stalin.

His politics differed sharply from those of Stalinism, most prominently in opposing Socialism in One Country, which he argued was a break with proletarian internationalism, and in his belief in what he argued was a more authentic dictatorship of the proletariat based on working-class self-emancipation and mass democracy, rather than the unaccountable bureaucracy he saw as having developed after Lenin's death.

This was the position, contrary to that of " Classical Marxism " which by that time had been further illuminated by active life, shared by Trotsky and Lenin and the Bolsheviks until 1924 when Joseph Stalin, who along with Kamenev in February 1917 had taken the Menshevik position of first the bourgeois revolution, only to be confronted by Lenin and his famous April Thesis on Lenin's return to Russia, after the death of Lenin and seeking to consolidate his growing bureaucratic control of the Bolshevik Party began to put forward the slogan of " Socialism in one country ".

Trotsky said that only the Fourth International, basing itself on Lenin's theory of the vanguard party, could lead the world revolution, and that it would need to be built in opposition to both the capitalists and the Stalinists.

Two of the most significant military parades on Red Square were the one in 1941, when the city was besieged by Germans and troops were leaving Red Square straight to the front lines, and the Victory Parade in 1945, when the banners of defeated Nazi armies were thrown at the foot of Lenin's Mausoleum.

With The Gulag Archipelago, Lenin's political and historical legacy became problematic, and the fractions of Western communist parties who still based their economic and political ideology on Lenin were left with a heavy burden of proof against them.

In Petrograd, Dzerzhinsky participated in the crucial session of the Central Committee in October and he strongly endorsed Lenin's demands for the immediate preparation of a rebellion, after which Felix Dzerzhinsky had an active role with the Military Revolutionary Committee during the October Revolution.

During Lenin's illness, Zinoviev, his close associate Kamenev, and Joseph Stalin formed a ruling ' triumvirate ' ( or ' troika ') in the Communist Party, playing a key role in the marginalization of Leon Trotsky.

James would still describe himself as a Leninist, despite his rejection of Vladimir Lenin's conception of the vanguard role of the revolutionary party.

In his political declarations, Guzmán praised Mao's development of Lenin's thesis regarding the role of imperialism in propping up the bourgeois capitalist system.

The Second Symphony was commissioned to include a poem by Alexander Bezymensky, which glorified Lenin's role in the proletariat struggle in bombastic style.

Deng's market socialism, especially in its early stages, was in some ways parallel to Lenin's New Economic Policy and Bukharin's economic policies, in that they all foresaw a role for private entrepreneurs and markets based on trade and pricing rather than government mandates of production.

According to Tim Wohlforth, during and after his break with Trotskyism, LaRouche's theory was influenced by what he called his " Theory of Hegemony " derived from Vladimir Lenin's view of the role of intellectuals in being a vanguard helping workers develop their consciousness and realize their leading role in society.

Lenin's role in government declined.

Criticism of the United Fruit Company became a staple of the discourse of the communist parties in several Latin American countries, where its activities were often interpreted as illustrating Vladimir Lenin's theory of capitalist imperialism.

Similar to Lenin's use of it, left communists, coming from the Communist International themselves started in fact with a theory of decadence in the first place, yet the communist left sees the theory of decadence at the heart of Marx's method as well, expressed in famous works such as The Communist Manifesto, Grundrisse, Das Kapital but most significantly in Preface to the Critique of Political Economy.

* Other communist leaders such as Mao Zedong, Kim Il-sung, Ho Chi Minh and most recently Kim Jong-il have also had their cadavers preserved in the fashion of Lenin's preservation and are now displayed in their respective mausoleums.

To a considerable degree, Lenin's well known polemic Left-Wing Communism: An Infantile Disorder is an attack on the ideas of the emerging left communist currents.

The SWP asserts that this course follows the continuity of the communist movement from Marx and Engels to Lenin's time, which stress a party based in the working class.

In the aftermath of World War II, the Soviet Union succeeded in acquiring control of more territory than Imperial Russia had and partly fulfilled Lenin's original dream of bringing communist revolution to Germany.

In Lenin's original work the purpose of the cadre is to educate the masses and essentially bring the entire population to the level of " professional revolutionaries ", but it was not a requirement that the whole population, or even a majority, be at or near such level before seizing power in a communist revolution.

Subsequently " communist subbotniks " and " voskresniks " became obligatory political events in the Soviet Union, with annual " Lenin's Subbotnik " being held in the vicinity of Lenin's birthday.

During Vladimir Lenin's leadership of the Communist Party, the Central Committee functioned as the highest party authority between congresses.

Factions, in Lenin's mind, were groups within the Communist Party who subverted party discipline.

Lenin's reply was evasive, but he stated that party discipline needed to be strengthened during " a retreat " – the New Economic Policy was introduced at the 10th Party Congress.

Under Lenin the party ruled through the government, for instance, the only political office held by Lenin was Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars, but following Lenin's health the party took control of government activities.

It predates Leninism as De Leonism's principles developed in the early 1890s with De Leon's assuming leadership of the Socialist Labor Party ; Leninism and its vanguard party idea took shape after the 1902 publication of Lenin's " What Is to Be Done?

The period of 1908 to 1917 was one of dissillusionment in the Bolshevik party over Lenin's leadership, with members opposing him for scandals involving his expropriations and methods of raising money for the party.

However, party members believed that Stalin had improved his reputation in 1923 and ignored Lenin's order.

Following Lenin's third stroke a troika made up of Stalin, Zinoviev and Kamenev emerged to take day to day leadership of the party and the country and try to block Trotsky from taking power.

Stalin was aware of Lenin's Testament and acted to keep Lenin in isolation for health reasons and increase his control over the party apparatus.

At the Twelfth Party Congress in 1923, Trotsky failed to use Lenin's Testament as a tool against Stalin for fear of endangering the stability of the party.

However, Lenin's model for such a party, which he repeatedly discussed as being " democratic centralist ", was the German Social Democratic Party, inspired by remarks made by the social-democrat Jean Baptista von Schweitzer.

Prior to launch, Soyuz 1 engineers are said to have reported 203 design faults to party leaders, but their concerns " were overruled by political pressures for a series of space feats to mark the anniversary of Lenin's birthday.

Martov's supporters, who were in the minority in a crucial vote on the question of party membership, came to be called " Mensheviks ", derived from the Russian word меньшинство ( men ' shinstvo, " minority "), whereas Lenin's adherents were known as " Bolsheviks ", from bol ' shinstvo (" majority ").

While the difference in the definitions was very small, with Lenin's being slightly more exclusive ( Lenin's formulation required the party member to be a member of one of the party's organizations, whereas Martov's only stated that he should work under the guidance of a party organization ), it was indicative of what became an essential difference between the philosophies of the two emerging factions: Lenin argued for a small party of professional revolutionaries with a large fringe of non-party sympathizers and supporters, whereas Martov believed it was better to have a large party of activists with broad representation.