Other utilitarian-type views include the claims that the end of action is survival and growth, as in evolutionary ethics ( the 19th-century English philosopher Herbert Spencer ); the experience of power, as in despotism ( the 16th-century Italian political philosopher Niccolò Machiavelli and the 19th-century German Friedrich Nietzsche ); satisfaction and adjustment, as in pragmatism ( 20th-century American philosophers Ralph Barton Perry and John Dewey ); and freedom, as in existentialism ( the 20th-century French philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre ).

Machiavelli stated that, to maintain control by political force, it is safer for a prince to be feared than loved.

In other words, Machiavelli was a sort of political thinker, perhaps most renowned for his political handbook titled, The Prince, which is about ruling and the exercise of power.

The work is often compared to the later works of Machiavelli.

In contrast with Plato and Aristotle, Machiavelli insisted that an imaginary ideal society is not a model that a prince should orient himself by.

Della Lingua ( Italian for " Of the Language ") ( 1514 ), a dialogue about Italy's language is normally attributed to Machiavelli.

Others have argued that Machiavelli is only a particularly interesting example of trends which were happening around him.

That Machiavelli had a wide range of influences is in itself not controversial.

The major difference between Machiavelli and the Socratics, according to Strauss, is Machiavelli's materialism and therefore his rejection of both a teleological view of nature, and of the view that philosophy is higher than politics.

There is no tragedy in Machiavelli because he has no sense of the sacredness of “ the common .” —

Machiavelli is sometimes seen as the prototype of a modern empirical scientist, building generalizations from experience and historical facts, and emphasizing the uselessness of theorizing with the imagination.

That Machiavelli strove for realism is not doubted, but for four centuries scholars have debated how best to describe his morality.

That Machiavelli himself was not evil and indeed intended good, is on the other hand generally accepted.

Italian anti-fascist philosopher Benedetto Croce ( 1925 ) concludes Machiavelli is simply a " realist " or " pragmatist " who accurately states that moral values in reality do not greatly affect the decisions that political leaders make.

argues that the way Machiavelli combines classical ideas is new.

Machiavelli explains repeatedly that religion is man-made, and that the value of religion lies in its contribution to social order and the rules of morality must be dispensed if security required it.

While fear of God can be replaced by fear of the prince, if there is a strong enough prince, Machiavelli felt that having a religion is in any case especially essential to keeping a republic in order.

Despite the classical precedents, which Machiavelli was not the only one to promote in his time, Machiavelli's realism and willingness to argue that good ends justify bad things, is seen as a critical stimulus towards some of the most important theories of modern politics.

Firstly, particularly in the Discourses on Livy, Machiavelli is unusual in the positive side he sometimes seems to describe in factionalism in republics.

Machiavelli is most famous for a short political treatise, The Prince, written in 1513 but not published until 1532, five years after his death.

While Machiavellianism is notable in the works of Machiavelli, Machiavelli's works are complex and he is generally agreed to have been more than just " Machiavellian " himself.

It has been suggested that due to such things as this and his style of writing to his superiors generally, there was very likely some animosity to Machiavelli even before the return of the Medici.

With the end of the Middle Ages however, Aristotle's approach, especially concerning formal and final causes, was criticized by authors such as Niccolò Machiavelli, in the field of political thinking, and Francis Bacon, concerning science more generally.

Although the work advises princes how to tyrannize, Machiavelli is generally thought to have preferred some form of free republic.

More generally, Machiavelli emphasizes that one should have regard not only for present problems but also for the future ones.

Niccolò Machiavelli, building on this opposition, conflates all rule by a single person ( whom he generally refers to as a " prince ") with " tyranny ," regardless of the legitimacy of that rule, in his Discourses on Livy.

Both Machiavelli, expelled from Florence by the Medici, and Verdelot, generally sided with the Florentine Republic against the Medici, but attempted to play the delicate political game of pleasing both sides.

A second individual of unusually acute insight was Niccolò Machiavelli, whose prescriptions for Florence's regeneration under strong leadership have often been seen as a legitimization of political expediency and even malpractice.

Machiavelli's literary executor, Giuliano de ' Ricci, also reported having seen that Machiavelli, his grandfather, made a comedy in the style of Aristophanes which included living Florentines as characters, and to be titled Le Maschere.

Strauss argued that Machiavelli may have seen himself as influenced by some ideas from classical materialists such as Democritus, Epicurus and Lucretius.

Cited in Chapter VI of Niccolò Machiavelli's The Prince ( Concerning New Principalities Which Are Acquired By One ’ s Own Arms And Ability ) Fra Girolamo Savonarola was seen by Machiavelli as an incompetent, ill-prepared, and ' unarmed prophet ', unlike ' Moses, Cyrus, Romulus, Theseus ' ( Machiavelli's The Prince )

Savonarola was seen by Machiavelli as incompetent, ill-prepared ' prophet ' unlike ' Moses, Cyrus, Romulus, Theseus ' ( Machiavelli's The Prince ) http :// onetenthblog. wordpress. com / readings / machiavelli-the-prince-chapter-iv /

On this matter, gives evidence that Machiavelli may have seen himself as having learned something from Democritus, Epicurus and classical materialism, which was however not associated with political realism, or even any interest in politics.

This section is one where Machiavelli ’ s pragmatic ideal can be seen most clearly.

This chapter shows a low opinion of flatterers ; Machiavelli notes that “ Men are so happily absorbed in their own affairs and indulge in such self-deception that it is difficult for them not to fall victim to this plague ; and some efforts to protect oneself from flatterers involve the risk of becoming despised .” Flatterers were seen as a great danger to a prince, because their flattery could cause him to avoid wise counsel in favor of rash action, but avoiding all advice, flattery or otherwise, was equally bad ; a middle road had to be taken.

In Italy Bodin was seen as a secular historian like Machiavelli.

At the time of its publishing, the conduct book was beginning to witness a change in its popularity as a bourgeoning genre though it can be seen in such classics as Plato ’ s Republic and, in Erasmus ’ own time, with the likes of Machiavelli ’ s The Prince and Thomas More ’ s Utopia.

Besides being a statesman and political scientist, Machiavelli also translated classical works, and was a dramaturge ( Clizia, Mandragola ), a poet ( Sonetti, Canzoni, Ottave, Canti carnascialeschi ), and a novelist ( Belfagor arcidiavolo ).

He accused Machiavelli of being an atheist and accused politicians of his time by saying that his works were the " Koran of the courtiers ", that " he is of no reputation in the court of France which hath not Machiavel's writings at the fingers ends ".

Machiavelli describes the contents as being an un-embellished summary of his knowledge about the nature of princes and " the actions of great men ", based not only on reading but also, unusually, on real experience.

The way in which the word state came to acquire this modern type of meaning during the Renaissance has been the subject of many academic discussions, with this sentence and similar ones in the works of Machiavelli being considered particularly important.

Using fortresses can be a good plan, but Machiavelli says he shall " blame anyone who, trusting in fortresses, thinks little of being hated by the people ".

He accused Machiavelli of being an atheist and accused politicians of his time by saying that they treated his works as the " Koran of the courtiers ".

As he began to focus on the human being rather than the natural world, his understanding of psychology and motivation was also influenced by the writings of Niccolò Machiavelli, whose analysis helped him to articulate a much darker view of human nature in his later years, and about whom he wrote the article Monsieur Machiavel, ou le coeur humain dévoilé ( 1951 ).

The Renaissance scholars, most prominent among them being Niccolò Machiavelli, looked back on the ancient period with great interest and reverence.