For example, the name of the creole language Tok Pisin derives from the English words talk pidgin.

The flourishing of the mainly English-based Tok Pisin in German New Guinea ( despite the language of the metropolitan power being German ) is to be contrasted with Hiri Motu, the lingua franca of Papua, which was derived not from English but from Motu, the vernacular of the indigenous people of the Port Moresby area.

The dialects group generally into ( a ) the Western-Central-Cape York dialects, where the Western and Central Language of Torres Strait ( Kala Lagaw Ya ) has a strong influence ( an influence which is also ' over-powering ' other sub-strata influences ), ' TI ' Brokan, with a strong Malay / Indonesian-Filipino-European influence, Eastern Brokan, with a strong South Seas and Meriam Mìr influence, and Papuan, with strong influences from Kiwai, Motu and ( now ) Tok Pisin.

" Bagarap " ( from " buggered up ") is a common word in Pacific pidgins such as Tok Pisin of Papua New Guinea, Brokan ( Torres Strait Creole ) of Australia and Papua and others, meaning " broken ", " hurt ", " ruined ", " destroyed ", " tired ", and so on, as in Tok Pisin " kanu i bagarap ", Brokan " kenu i bagarap ", " the canoe is broken " or Tok Pisin / Brokan " kaikai i bagarap ", " the food is spoiled.

This point of view sees the modern Romance languages as dialects of Latin, modern Greek as a dialect of Ancient Greek, Tok Pisin as a dialect of English, and Scandinavian languages as dialects of Old Norse.

Of the three official languages, English spoken by 1 %- 2 % of the population, Tok Pisin is widespread, and Hiri Motu is spoken in the Papua region, the main region in which Tok Pisin is not prevalent.

Urban families in particular, and those of police and defence force members, often communicate among themselves in Tok Pisin, either never gaining fluency in a vernacular (" tok ples "), or learning a vernacular as a second ( or third ) language, after Tok Pisin ( and possibly English ).

While Tok Pisin is usually referred to under this name, it is also sometimes — though rarely — called New Guinea Pidgin or, in academic contexts, Melanesian Pidgin, Melanesian Pidgin English or Neo-Melanesian.

Given that Papua New Guinean anglophones almost invariably refer to Tok Pisin as Pidgin when speaking English, it may be considered something of an affectation to call it Tok Pisin, much like referring to German and French as Deutsch and français in English.

Along with English and Hiri Motu, Tok Pisin is one of the three official languages of Papua New Guinea.

Most government documents are produced in English, but public information campaigns are often partially or entirely in Tok Pisin.

While English is the main language in the education system, some schools use Tok Pisin in the first three years of elementary education to promote early literacy.

Nasal plus plosive offsets lose the plosive element in Tok Pisin e. g. English hand becomes Tok Pisin han.

Furthermore, voiced plosives become voiceless at the ends of words, so that English pig is rendered as pik in Tok Pisin.

In the real world, Tok Pisin is an English-based language used as a lingua franca in New Guinea, although it has no relation to the mangled English used in the Tintin books.

There are around ten Papuan languages spoken and about forty Austronesian languages, as well as Tok Pisin and English.

English and Tok Pisin are the languages of official business and government.

This is a creole English similar to the closely related Tok Pisin in Papua New Guinea.

However, since the early 1970s, if not earlier, the use of Hiri Motu as a day-to-day lingua franca in its old " range " has been gradually declining in favour of English and Tok Pisin ; speakers nowadays tend to be elderly, and concentrated in Central Province and Gulf Province.

While Buka will call their moiety categories ' clans ' in Tok Pisin and English, this is not sociologically accurate and the word is actually used in two different senses, corresponding to what anthropologists would recognise as moieties and clans.

It is in widespread use in Melanesian pidgin and creole languages such as Tok Pisin of Papua New Guinea, as the word for " child " ( or just young, as in the phrase pikinini pik, meaning piglet ).

Niugini is the Tok Pisin word for New Guinea.

However, Tok Pisin is favoured by many professional linguists to avoid spreading the misconception that Tok Pisin is still a pidgin language.

Although it was originally a pidgin, Tok Pisin is now considered a distinct language in its own right, because it is a first language for some people and not merely a lingua franca to facilitate communication with speakers of other languages.

This English-based pidgin evolved into Tok Pisin in German New Guinea ( where the German-based creole Unserdeutsch was also spoken ).

This early plantation pidgin is the origin not only of Bislama, but also of Tok Pisin of Papua New Guinea and Pijin of the Solomon Islands, though not of Torres Strait Creole north of Australia.

Papua New Guinea ( PNG ; Tok Pisin: Papua Niugini ), officially the Independent State of Papua New Guinea, is a country in Oceania, occupying the eastern half of the island of New Guinea ( the western portion of the island is a part of the Indonesian provinces of Papua and West Papua ) and numerous offshore islands.

Several Austronesian or Austronesian-based languages such as Tolomako, Lihir, Manam, Bislama, and some registers of Tok Pisin have trial number in their pronouns ; no language is known with trial number in its nouns.

Most speakers of Unserdeutsch are bilingual ; speaking either Standard German, English, Tok Pisin or Kuanua.

Pidgins may start out as or become trade languages, such as Tok Pisin.

The name Pisinemo is actually a failed attempt by the Motor Vehicle Division to put the traditional name of Pisin Mo ' o onto road side signs along Highway 86 which runs through the Tohono O ' odham Indian Nation.

( The O ' odham pronunciation of " Pisin Mo ' o " is approximately, which is relatively close to the Anglicized spelling.

They point to other easy-to-learn languages such as Tok Pisin in Papua New Guinea, which have had deleterious effects on minority languages.

Its nickname is the Kapuls, which is Tok Pisin for Cuscus.

There is also a second church in which services are conducted in Melanesian Tok Pisin ( Pigin English ).

To unify the nation, the language Tok Pisin, once called Neo-Melanesian ( or Pidgin English ) has evolved as the lingua franca — the medium through which diverse language groups are able to communicate with one another in Parliament, in the news media, and elsewhere.

Port Moresby (), or Pot Mosbi in Tok Pisin, is the capital and largest city of Papua New Guinea ( PNG ).

Tok Pisin (; Tok Pisin ) is a creole spoken throughout Papua New Guinea.

In parts of Western, Gulf, Central, Oro Province and Milne Bay Provinces, however, the use of Tok Pisin has a shorter history, and is less universal, especially among older people.

The Tok Pisin language is a result of Pacific Islanders intermixing, when people speaking numerous different languages were sent to work on plantations in Queensland and various islands ( see South Sea Islander and Blackbirding ).

Between five and six million people use Tok Pisin to some degree, although by no means do all of these speak it well.

Perhaps one million people now use Tok Pisin as a primary language.

Kulick explored how the use of two languages with and around children in Gapun village — the traditional language ( Taiap ) not spoken anywhere but in their own village and thus primordially " indexical " of Gapuner identity, and Tok Pisin ( the widely circulating official language of New Guinea ).

For general communication most Bougainvilleans use Tok Pisin as a lingua franca, and at least in the coastal areas Tok Pisin is often learned by children in a bilingual environment.

Unlike Tok Pisin its use has been in decline for many years.

Tok Pisin was not widely used in Papua New Guinea south of the Owen Stanley Ranges until after World War II, and by the early 1960s Hiri Motu had probably reached its widest use, being the normal lingua franca of a large part of the country.

Contemporary Bukas often use Tok Pisin as a lingua franca between the three main language groups.

After Tok Pisin and English, Hiri Motu was at the time of independence the third most commonly spoken of the more than 800 languages of Papua New Guinea, although its use has been declining for some years, mainly in favour of Tok Pisin.