Plutarch criticised Herodotus in his essay " On The Malignity of Herodotus ", describing Herodotus as " Philobarbaros " ( barbarian-lover ), for not being pro-Greek enough, which suggests that Herodotus might actually have done a reasonable job of being even-handed.

However, Cornelius Nepos, Pausanias and Plutarch all give the figure of 9, 000 Athenians and 1, 000 Plateans ; while Justin suggests that there were 10, 000 Athenians and 1, 000 Plataeans.

The rejection of the heliocentric view was apparently quite strong, as the following passage from Plutarch suggests ( On the Apparent Face in the Orb of the Moon ):

Plutarch criticised Herodotus in his essay " On The Malignity of Herodotus ", describing Herodotus as " Philobarbaros " ( barbarian-lover ), for not being pro-Greek enough, which suggests that Herodotus might actually have done a reasonable job of being even-handed.

Plutarch is the only ancient source for this account and yet it is considered credible on the basis of some literary evidence ( Pindar wrote a paean celebrating Ceos, in which he says on behalf of the island " I am renowned for my athletic achievements among Greeks " 4, epode 1, a circumstance that suggests that Bacchylides himself was unavailable at the time.

Rejection of the heliocentric view was common, as the following passage from Plutarch suggests ( On the Apparent Face in the Orb of the Moon ):

Plutarch suggests that his death was due to " the shame of his disloyalty and treachery being exposed.

Plutarch suggests that he played on superstition to give himself an aura of awe and divine allure, in order to cultivate more gentle behaviours among the warlike early Romans, such as honoring the gods, abiding by law, behaving humanely to enemies, and living proper, respectable lives.

Quintus Curtius Rufus, the historian, says he was crucified in the place where Darius III had been killed, Arrian states that he was tortured and then decapitated in Ecbatana, and Plutarch suggests that he was torn apart in Bactria after a Macedonian trial.

Archeology suggests that the veneration of Zeus Labraundeos at Labraunda was far older than Plutarch imagined.

Plutarch criticised Herodotus in his essay " On The Malignity of Herodotus ", describing Herodotus as " Philobarbaros " ( barbarian-lover ), for not being pro-Greek enough, which suggests that Herodotus might actually have done a reasonable job of being even-handed.

Plutarch suggests that it was " the grief he had suffered encouraged him to speak out fearlessly, whenever he lamented the fate of his brother.

Plutarch criticised Herodotus in his essay " On The Malignity of Herodotus ", describing Herodotus as " Philobarbaros " ( barbarian-lover ) and for not being pro-Greek enough, which suggests that Herodotus might actually have done a reasonable job of being even-handed.

Plutarch criticised Herodotus in his essay " On The Malignity of Herodotus ", describing Herodotus as " Philobarbaros " ( barbarian-lover ) for not being pro-Greek enough, which suggests that Herodotus might actually have done a reasonable job of being even-handed.

Plutarch suggests that Themistocles deliberately avoided mentioning Persia, believing that it was too distant a threat for the Athenians to act on, but that countering Persia was the fleet's aim.

Plutarch suggests that in the aftermath of the victory at the Eurymedon, Artaxerxes had agreed a peace treaty with the Greeks, even naming Callias as the Athenian ambassador involved.

Plutarch criticised Herodotus in his essay " On The Malignity of Herodotus ", describing Herodotus as " Philobarbaros " ( barbarian-lover ), for not being pro-Greek enough, which suggests that Herodotus might actually have done a reasonable job of being even-handed.

Plutarch criticised Herodotus in his essay " On The Malignity of Herodotus ", describing Herodotus as " Philobarbaros " ( barbarian-lover ), for not being pro-Greek enough, which suggests that Herodotus might actually have done a reasonable job of being even-handed.

Plutarch suggests that all 300 of the Sacred Band were killed at the battle, having previously been seen as invincible.

The beginning of this rivalry, according to Plutarch, was purportedly Sulla's crucial role in the negotiations for and eventual capture of Jugurtha, which led to Sulla wearing a ring portraying the capture despite Marius being awarded the victory for it.

Greek historian Plutarch discusses an argument between Chrysippus ( 3rd century BCE ) and Hipparchus ( 2nd century BCE ) of a rather delicate enumerative problem, which was later shown to be related to Schröder numbers.

Plutarch identified this Amphidamas with the hero of the Lelantine War between Chalcis and Eretria and he concluded that the passage must be an interpolation into Hesiod's original work, assuming that the Lelantine War was too late for Hesiod.

Whatever conflicts existed between the two men, Antony remained faithful to Caesar but it is worth mentioning that according to Plutarch ( paragraph 13 ) Trebonius, one of the conspirators, had ' sounded him unobtrusively and cautiously ... Antony had understood his drift ... but had given him no encouragement: at the same time he had not reported the conversation to Caesar '.

The myth was fully developed into something like an " official ", chronological version in the Late Republican and early Imperial era ; Roman historians dated the city's foundation to between 758 and 728 BC, and Plutarch reckoned the twins ' birth year as c. 771 BC.

Despite this, Plutarch mentions that this caused little friction between the two men, and even posits that Tiberius would have never fallen victim to assassination had Scipio not been away campaigning against the very same Numantines given the amount of political clout that Scipio wielded in Rome.

There is some disagreement between Nepos ( or the pseudo-Nepos ), and Plutarch, in their accounts of this topic.

The only reward he would accept was a branch of the sacred olive, and a promise of perpetual friendship between Athens and Cnossus ( Plutarch, Life of Solon, 12 ; Aristotle, Ath.

Lucian, writing in his book On Slips of the Tongue describes an occasion when Hephaestion's conversation one morning implied that he had been in Alexander's tent all night, and Plutarch describes the intimacy between them when he tells how Hephaestion was in the habit of reading Alexander's letters with him, and of a time when he showed that the contents of a letter were to be kept secret by touching his ring to Hephaestion's lips.

Plutarch recounts that Alexander took Barsine as his mistress, but on the arguably spurious grounds that she was recommended to him by Parmenion ( despite the many disagreements between him and Alexander, and Alexander's apparent contempt for his judgement ).

But Plutarch claims that it was due to an exchange of sacred vows between lover and beloved at the shrine of Iolaus ( one of the lovers of Hercules ) at Thebes.

There was no open conflict between the Greeks and Persia until 396 BC, when the Spartan king Agesilaus briefly invaded Asia Minor ; as Plutarch points out, the Greeks were far too busy overseeing the destruction of their own power to fight against the " barbarians ".

The etiological myth explaining how Athens acquired this name through the legendary contest between Poseidon and Athena was described by Herodotus, Apollodorus, Ovid, Plutarch, Pausanias and others.

A statue of the god was imported between 286 and 278 BC by Ptolemy ( probably Soter, as Tacitus and Plutarch attest ,) where Timotheus of Athens ( an authority on Demeter at Eleusis ) and Manetho oversaw the project.

# That they should not be induced to it by the charms and insinuations of a wife ; for ( says Plutarch ) the wise lawgiver with good reason thought that no difference was to be put between deceit and necessity, flattery and compulsion, since both are equally powerful to persuade a man from reason.

Leigh also provides historical and literary evidence for the comic construction of the relationship between the courtesan Clodia and her young lover Caelius, by referencing Plutarch ’ s discussion of this as erotic entertainment and its use as a rhetorical device.

However, in the view of Plutarch, a first century AD writer and biographer of notable Roman men, Clodius had also stirred up enmity between Pompey and himself, along with the fickle crowds of the forum he controlled with his malevolent goading.

Rivalries between neighbouring cities are reported: according to Plutarch ( De Iside, 72 ) when an inhabitant of Cynopolis ate an Oxyrhynchos fish the people of Oxyrhynchos started attacking dogs in revenge which resulted in a little civil war.

Maximus of Tyre ( c. 180 ), like Plutarch, endeavoured to bridge the gulf between a transcendent God and matter by the assumption of numerous daemons as intermediaries.

The Moralia include On the Fortune or the Virtue of Alexander the Great — an important adjunct to his Life of the great general — On the Worship of Isis and Osiris ( a crucial source of information on Egyptian religious rites ), and On the Malice of Herodotus ( which may, like the orations on Alexander's accomplishments, have been a rhetorical exercise ), in which Plutarch criticizes what he sees as systematic bias in the Father of History's work ; along with more philosophical treatises, such as On the Decline of the Oracles, On the Delays of the Divine Vengeance, On Peace of Mind and lighter fare, such as Odysseus and Gryllus, a humorous dialog between Homer's Odysseus and one of Circe's enchanted pigs.

Demetrius, according to Plutarch, arrived after Pyrrhus had retired, and when matters had been settled between Alexander and Antipater, Demetrius was now an unwelcome visitor, and Alexander, while he received him with all outward civility, is said by Plutarch to have laid a plan for murdering him at a banquet, a plan which was stymied by the precautions of Demetrius.

Plutarch uses many good sources but cannot be trusted entirely due to the fact of how many centuries passed between his writing and the events that took place.