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The Naskapis had received " relief " from the Federal Government as early as the end of the 19th century, but their first regular contacts with the Federal Government began only in 1949, when Colonel H. M. Jones, Superintendent of Welfare Services in Ottawa, and M. Larivière of the Abitibi Indian Agency visited them in Fort Chimo and arranged for the issuing of welfare to them.
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Naskapis and had
By the late 1940s, the pressures of the fur trade, high rates of mortality and debilitation from diseases communicated by Europeans, and the effects of the virtual disappearance of the George River Caribou Herd had reduced the Naskapis to a state where their very survival was threatened.
In the early 1950s, the Naskapis made a partially successful effort to re-establish themselves at Fort McKenzie, where they had already lived between 1916 and 1948, and to return to an economy based substantially on hunting, fishing, and commercial trapping.
The Naskapis shared the site at John Lake with a group of Montagnais, who had moved voluntarily from Sept-Îles to Schefferville with the completion of the railroad in the early 1950s.
Initially, the Naskapis lived in tiny shacks that they built for themselves, but by 1962 Indian and Northern Affairs had built 30 houses for them, and a further four were under construction at a cost of 5, 000 $ each.
By 1972, 43 row-housing units had been built there for the Naskapis, and a further 63 for Montagnais, and most of the Naskapis and Montagnais moved to this new site, known today as Matimekosh.
Possibly for financial reasons, Indian and Northern Affairs wanted them to live in row houses, whereas the Naskapis had a strong preference for detached, single-family residences.
Perhaps because it was the first such process in which they had been involved, the Naskapis placed considerable faith in the consultation undertaken by Indian and Northern Affairs.
Two examples are most commonly cited: the insistence of Indian and Northern Affairs ’ representatives that the Naskapis live in row houses that, in the event, proved not to be adequately soundproofed and that had a variety of other faults ; and the fact that the brochure prepared by Indian and Northern Affairs showed a fully landscaped site with trees and bushes, whereas no landscaping was done, and no trees or bushes were ever planted.
Incidents like those may seem very minor to persons with long experience of large and impersonal institutions such as government departments, but they happened to the Naskapis when they were in a very formative stage of their relations with Indian and Northern Affairs and when they had still not forgotten their callous treatment by the Hudson ’ s Bay Company.
Thus, although the Naskapis had never filed a formal statement of claim or similar document, except for a draft history prepared by the late Dr Alan Cooke, the parties to the JBNQA accepted the legitimacy of their claims, and they entered into an agreement-in-principle with the Naskapis in the Spring of 1977 to negotiate an agreement that would have the same principal features as the JBNQA.
The evaluation was motivated more by the change in the circumstances of Schefferville and of the Naskapis than by any belief on the part of the Naskapis that Canada had wilfully neglected any of its responsibilities under the NEQA.
Naskapis and from
It was difficult for the Naskapis to integrate commercial trapping, especially of marten in Winter, into their seasonal round of subsistence activities, for the simple reason that the distribution of marten was in large measure different from the distribution of essential sources of food at that season.
Numerous cases have been documented in which the Hudson ’ s Bay Company relocated the Naskapis from post to post purely for its own commercial purposes and without any concern as to whether the areas where the posts were situated offered the Naskapis the possibility of harvesting the fish and game that they required for food as well as the fur-bearers that the Company sought.
In several instances, individual managers, apparently dissatisfied with the Naskapis ’ seeming lack of commitment to trapping withheld from them the ammunition that they needed to hunt for food, thereby directly causing a considerable number of deaths from starvation.
For reasons that are not entirely clear, virtually all of the Naskapis moved from Fort Chimo to the recently founded iron-ore mining community of Schefferville in 1956.
Although officials of Indian and Northern Affairs were certainly aware of the intention of the Naskapis to move from Fort Chimo to Schefferville and may even have instigated that move, they appear to have done little or nothing to prepare for their arrival there, not even by warning the representatives of the Iron Ore Company of Canada (" IOCC ") or the municipality of Schefferville.
Section 20 of the NEQA offered the Naskapis the possibility of relocating from the Matimekosh Reserve to a new site.
Among other things, the ARINEQA established the model for funding capital and O & M expenditures over five-year periods, created a Dispute Resolution Mechanism for disputes arising from the interpretation, administration, and implementation of the NEQA, the JBNQA, and the ARINEQA, and created a working group to address employment for Naskapis.
Naskapis and early
A pivotal event in the history of the Naskapis occurred in early 1975, when, after separate visits to Schefferville by Billy Diamond, Grand Chief, Grand Council of the Crees ( of Quebec ) (" GCCQ "), and Charlie Watt, President, Northern Quebec Inuit Association (" NQIA "), the Naskapis decided to become involved in the negotiations leading to the signature of the James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement (" JBNQA ").
Naskapis and their
Between 1831 and 1956, the Naskapis were subjected to several major relocations, all of which reflected not their needs or interests, but those of the Hudson ’ s Bay Company.
One of them holds that the Naskapis were induced, if not ordered, to move by officials of Indian and Northern Affairs, while the other believes that the Naskapis themselves decided to move in the hope of finding employment, housing, medical assistance, and educational facilities for their children
For the first time in their lengthy history of relocations, the Naskapis were consulted in the planning of their new home.
Shortly before the signing of the JBNQA, realizing that the demands on the Inuit were too great to allow them to represent the interests of the Naskapis in addition to their own interests, the Naskapi negotiators retained their own non-Native advisors and started to function as an independent negotiating body.
They also knew that the Naskapis, unlike certain others of Quebec ’ s First Nations at that time, were willing to negotiate a settlement of their Aboriginal claims.
The Naskapis are now developing their homeland, notably through economic development and community reinforcement.
The Naskapis still preserve many aspects of their traditional way of life and culture.
Like many northern communities, the Naskapis rely on subsistence hunting, fishing, and trapping for a large part of their food supply and for many raw materials.
Their main language is Naskapis and their second language is English.
Naskapis and first
The years 1831 onwards were characterized by the first regular contacts between the Naskapis and western society, when the Hudson ’ s Bay Company established its first trading post at Old Fort Chimo.
Naskapis and regular
In consequence, the Naskapis did not prove to be the regular and diligent trappers that the traders must have hoped to find, and the traders seem to have attributed this fact to laziness or intransigence on the part of Naskapis.
Naskapis and with
A successful rescue effort was mounted, but the only homes that awaited the Naskapis were the shacks that they built for themselves on the edge of Pearce Lake, near the railroad station, with scavenged and donated materials.
The Naskapis entered into a contract with the NQIA, under which the latter was to provide logistical support, legal advice, and representation to a small team of Naskapi negotiators based in Montreal.
The Naskapi Nation of Kawawachikamach ( the " Nation ") ( originally known as the “ Naskapis de Schefferville Indian Band ” and later as the “ Naskapi Band of Quebec ”) is a First Nation with a population of approximately 850 registered Indians, who are also beneficiaries of the Northeastern Quebec Agreement (" NEQA ").
Naskapis and when
The earliest written reference to Naskapis appears around 1643, when the Jesuit André Richard referred to the " Ounackkapiouek ", but little is known about the group to which Richard was referring, other than that they were one of many " small nations " situated somewhere north of Tadoussac.
Naskapis and .
The Naskapis believed that the caribou afterlife is guarded by giant wolves which kill careless hunters venturing too near.
The Naskapis came under the influence of Protestant missionaries, and remain Protestant to this day.
It should be noted that the Montagnais are far more numerous than the Naskapis.
The relationship between the Naskapis and the Hudson ’ s Bay Company was not an easy one.
The Naskapis left Fort Chimo on foot to make the journey to Schefferville overland.
Naskapis and Indian
Indian and Northern Affairs sent officials to explain the new community to the Naskapis, a brochure was published, models built, and progress reports issued.
Naskapis and them
The signatories of the JBNQA were fully aware that it provided for the extinguishment of the Naskapis ’ Aboriginal rights in the Territory without granting them any compensatory rights or benefits.
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