Then-U. S. Representative Bernie Sanders was the convener and first CPC Chairman.

Then-U. S. Secretary of the Navy Gordon England said, " While the information available to me now does not prove definitively that Capt.

Then-U. S. president Ronald Reagan stated in his personal diary that this film " was a blatant propaganda message against our agri programs.

Then-U.

Then-U. S. president Bill Clinton condemned the look.

During the period from 1 July 1960 through 31 January 1961, the Medical Museum was required to move to Temporary Building `` S '' on the Mall from Chase Hall.

I tested it in my scoped S & W and it was good enough to allow me to hit a chuck with every shot at 100 yards if I did my part by holding the handgun steadily.

, S & H,, and.

Add holes in top, forming `` S '' for salt and `` P '' for pepper.

According to Philippoff, the recoverable shear S is given by Af where **yc is the angle of extinction.

On C, from the point P at Af to the point Q at Af, we construct the chord, and upon the chord as a side erect a square in such a way that as S approaches zero the square is inside C.

As S increases we consider the two free corner points of the square, Af and Af, adjacent to P and Q respectively.

As S approaches T the square will be outside C and therefore both Af and Af must cross C an odd number of times as S varies from zero to T.

As S varies from zero to T, the values of S for which Af and Af cross C will be denoted by Af and Af respectively.

Now with P fixed at Af, Af-values occur when the corner Af crosses C, and are among the values of S such that Af.

The photocathode sensitivities S, phosphor efficiencies P, and anode potentials V of the individual stages shall be distinguished by means of subscripts 1, and 2, in the text, where required.

The luminous gain of a single stage with Af ( flux gain ) is, to a first approximation, given by the product of the photocathode sensitivity S ( amp / lumen ), the anode potential V ( volts ), and the phosphor conversion efficiency P ( lumen/watt ).

In practical situations there will be restrictions on the admissible operating conditions, and we regard the vectors as belonging to a fixed and bounded set S.

The set of vectors Af constitutes the operating policy or, more briefly, the policy, and a policy is admissible if all the Af belong to S.

Mr. Kililngsworth was a foreman with S and W Cafeteria.

Thus, if what is at issue is whether `` All S is P '', it is indifferent whether `` Some S is not P '' or `` No S is P '', since in either case the judgment in question is false.

Lincoln closely supervised the war effort, especially the selection of top generals, including commanding general Ulysses S. Grant.

Lincoln's assassination was the first assassination of a U. S. president and sent the nation into mourning.

This seems like an attitude favoring a sort of totalitarian bureaucracy which, under a President of the same stamp, would try to coerce an uncooperative Congress or Supreme Court.

For lawyers, reflecting perhaps their parochial preferences, there has been a special fascination since then in the role played by the Supreme Court in that transformation -- the manner in which its decisions altered in `` the switch in time that saved nine '', President Roosevelt's ill-starred but in effect victorious `` Court-packing plan '', the imprimatur of judicial approval that was finally placed upon social legislation.

to the Joint War Room of the Joint Chiefs of Staff in the Pentagon and to the President.

Only the President is permitted to authorize the use of nuclear weapons.

The President cannot personally remove the safety devices from every nuclear trigger.

Even the President cannot pick up his telephone and give a `` go '' order.

All could help the President make his decision.

That test, as President Kennedy forthrightly depicted it in his State of the Union message, will determine `` whether a nation organized and governed such as ours can endure ''.

Retiring to his beloved Mount Vernon, he returned to preside over the Federal Convention, and was the only man in history to be unanimously elected President.

John Adams fashioned much of pre-Revolutionary radical ideology, wrote the constitution of his home state of Massachusetts, negotiated, with Franklin and Jay, the peace with Britain and served as our first Vice President and our second President.

His political opponent and lifetime friend, Thomas Jefferson, achieved immortality through his authorship of the Declaration of Independence, but equally notable were the legal and constitutional reforms he instituted in his native Virginia, his role as father of our territorial system, and his acquisition of the Louisiana Territory during his first term as President.

Their President, Jefferson Davis, interpreted their Constitution to mean that it `` admits of no coerced association '', but this remained so doubtful that `` there were frequent demands that the right to secede be put into the Constitution ''.

'' The other important difference between the two Constitutions was that the President of the Confederacy held office for six ( instead of four ) years, and was limited to one term.

The contributors to this testament were all well-known: a former Democratic candidate for President, a New Deal poet, the magazine's chief editorial writer, two newspaper columnists, head of a national broadcasting company, a popular Protestant evangelist, etc..

I will reserve discussion of it for a moment, however, to return to President Kennedy.

For a time the President received hundreds of them every day, most of them worthless.

Because the responsibility for resolving the issue lay with the President, rather than with his doctors, nothing raises more surely for us the difficulties simple goodness faces in dealing with complex moral problems under political pressure.

For the President had dealt with the matter humbly, in what he conceived as the democratic way.

Any attempt to reconcile this statement of the central issue in the campaign of 1956 with the nature of the man who could not conceive it as the central issue will at least resolve our confusions about the chaotic and misleading results of the earnestness of both doctors and President in a situation which should never have arisen.

It is of the utmost importance to the people of America and of the world how their governing President `` ends up '' during the four years of his term.

`` I may possibly be a greater risk than is the normal person of my age '', the President had said on February 29th of the election year, ignoring the fact that no one of his age had ever lived out another term.

Ironically no president we have had would have regretted more than President Eisenhower the possibility to which his own words, in the press conference held at the beginning of August, testified: that unable as he was himself to say his running was best for the country, unconsciously he had placed his party before his nation.

Only recently, and perhaps because a television debate can so effectively dramatize President Kennedy's extraordinary mastery of detail, have the abilities on which the capacity for making distinctions depend begun to be clearly discernible at the level of politics.

Mr. Nehru is subjected to stern lectures on neutralism by our Department of State, and an American President observes sourly that Sweden would be a little less neurotic if it were a little more capitalistic ''.