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Federalist and No
In " Federalist No. 46 ," James Madison asserted that the states and national government " are in fact but different agents and trustees of the people, constituted with different powers.
" Alexander Hamilton, writing in " Federalist No. 28 ," suggested that both levels of government would exercise authority to the citizens ' benefit: " If their peoples ' rights are invaded by either, they can make use of the other as the instrument of redress.
On February 12, 1788, Madison in the Federalist Letter No. 54, stated that the Constitutional three-fifths compromise clause was the best alternative for the slaves current condition and for determining representation of citizens in Congress.
Alexander Hamilton asserted in Federalist No. 78 that under the Constitution, the federal courts would have not just the power, but the duty, to examine the constitutionality of statutes:
The framers of the Constitution took care to limit the president's powers regarding the military ; Alexander Hamilton explains this in Federalist No. 69: Congress, pursuant to the War Powers Resolution, must authorize any troop deployments longer than 60 days, although that process relies on triggering mechanisms that have never been employed, rendering it ineffectual.
This understanding of the term was originally developed by James Madison, and notably employed in Federalist Paper No. 10.
In Federalist No. 43 James Madison wrote regarding the Treason Clause:
A republican form of government is distinguished from a pure democracy, which the Founding Fathers wanted to avoid ; as James Madison wrote in Federalist No. 10, " Hence it is that such democracies have ever been spectacles of turbulence and contention ; have ever been found incompatible with personal security or the rights of property ; and have in general been as short in their lives as they have been violent in their deaths.
In Federalist Papers No. 9 and No. 10, Alexander Hamilton and James Madison, respectively, wrote specifically about the dangers of domestic political factions.
Federalist No. 10, in which Madison discusses the means of preventing rule by majority faction and advocates a large, commercial republic, is generally regarded as the most important of the 85 articles from a philosophical perspective ; it is complemented by Federalist No. 14, in which Madison takes the measure of the United States, declares it appropriate for an extended republic, and concludes with a memorable defense of the constitutional and political creativity of the Federal Convention.
In Federalist No. 84, Hamilton makes the case that there is no need to amend the Constitution by adding a Bill of Rights, insisting that the various provisions in the proposed Constitution protecting liberty amount to a bill of rights.
Federalist No. 78, also written by Hamilton, lays the groundwork for the doctrine of judicial review by federal courts of federal legislation or executive acts.
Federalist No. 70 presents Hamilton's case for a one-man chief executive.
In Federalist No. 39, Madison presents the clearest exposition of what has come to be called " Federalism ".
In Federalist No. 51, Madison distills arguments for checks and balances in a memorable essay often quoted for its justification of government as " the greatest of all reflections on human nature.
He wrote in Federalist No. 1 that the series would " endeavor to give a satisfactory answer to all the objections which shall have made their appearance, that may seem to have any claim to your attention.
2, 3, 4, and 5 ), fell ill and contributed only one more essay, Federalist No. 64, to the series ; though he wrote a pamphlet in the spring of 1788, An Address to the People of the State of New-York, that made his distilled case for the Constitution ( Hamilton cited it approvingly in Federalist No. 85 ).
New essays continued to appear in the newspapers ; Federalist No. 77 was the last number to appear first in that form, on April 2.

Federalist and .
Principal author of `` The Federalist '', he swung New York over from opposition to the Constitution to ratification almost single-handedly.
* Martin, James P. When Repression Is Democratic and Constitutional: The Federalist Theory of Representation and the Sedition Act of 1798.
Alexander Hamilton emphasized in The Federalist that this New York constitutional provision expressly made the common law subject " to such alterations and provisions as the legislature shall from time to time make concerning the same.
These policies became the basis of the Federalist Party in the 1790s.
His opponent in these races, Caleb Strong, was a popular moderate Federalist, whose party dominated the state's politics despite a national shift toward the Republicans.
Republican James Sullivan won the governor's seat from Strong in 1807, but his successor was unable to hold the seat in the 1809 election, which went to Federalist Christopher Gore.
In his second term he became notably more partisan, purging much of the state government of Federalist appointees.
The Federalist party of the United States were opposed by the Democratic-Republicans, including powerful figures such as Thomas Jefferson.
Although never officially joining the Federalist Party, he supported its programs.
Secretary of Treasury Alexander Hamilton had bold plans to establish the national credit and build a financially powerful nation, and formed the basis of the Federalist Party.
In the United States the Federalist Style contained many elements of Georgian style, but incorporated revolutionary symbols.
" Federalist newspapers editors and others at the time likened the district shape to a salamander, and the word gerrymander was a blend of that word and Governor Gerry's last name.
It is widely believed by historians that Federalist newspaper editors Nathan Hale, Benjamin and John Russell were the instigators, but the historical record gives no definitive evidence as to who created or uttered the word for the first time.
The word gerrymander was reprinted numerous times in Federalist newspapers in Massachusetts, New England, and nationwide during the remainder of 1812.
He was a member of the Federalist, Democratic-Republican, National Republican, and later Anti-Masonic and Whig parties.
In November 1802 he ran as a Federalist for the United States House of Representatives and lost.
The Massachusetts General Court elected Adams as a Federalist to the U. S. Senate soon after, and he served from March 4, 1803, until 1808, when he broke with the Federalist Party.

Federalist and 84
For example, in Federalist 84, Alexander Hamilton asked, " Why declare that things shall not be done which there is no power to do?
The Federalist Papers ( specifically Federalist No. 84 ) are notable for their opposition to what later became the United States Bill of Rights.
Alexander Hamilton, the author of Federalist No. 84, feared that such an enumeration, once written down explicitly, would later be interpreted as a list of the only rights that people had.
Alexander Hamilton, author of Federalist No. 84.
Federalist No. 84 is notable for presenting the idea that a Bill of Rights was not a necessary component of the proposed United States Constitution.
Alexander Hamilton relied on the same view when later arguing, in Federalist No. 84, against inclusion of a Bill of Rights in the Constitution.

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