In " Federalist No. 46 ," James Madison asserted that the states and national government " are in fact but different agents and trustees of the people, constituted with different powers.

" Alexander Hamilton, writing in " Federalist No. 28 ," suggested that both levels of government would exercise authority to the citizens ' benefit: " If their peoples ' rights are invaded by either, they can make use of the other as the instrument of redress.

On February 12, 1788, Madison in the Federalist Letter No. 54, stated that the Constitutional three-fifths compromise clause was the best alternative for the slaves current condition and for determining representation of citizens in Congress.

Alexander Hamilton asserted in Federalist No. 78 that under the Constitution, the federal courts would have not just the power, but the duty, to examine the constitutionality of statutes:

The framers of the Constitution took care to limit the president's powers regarding the military ; Alexander Hamilton explains this in Federalist No. 69: Congress, pursuant to the War Powers Resolution, must authorize any troop deployments longer than 60 days, although that process relies on triggering mechanisms that have never been employed, rendering it ineffectual.

This understanding of the term was originally developed by James Madison, and notably employed in Federalist Paper No. 10.

In Federalist No. 43 James Madison wrote regarding the Treason Clause:

A republican form of government is distinguished from a pure democracy, which the Founding Fathers wanted to avoid ; as James Madison wrote in Federalist No. 10, " Hence it is that such democracies have ever been spectacles of turbulence and contention ; have ever been found incompatible with personal security or the rights of property ; and have in general been as short in their lives as they have been violent in their deaths.

In Federalist Papers No. 9 and No. 10, Alexander Hamilton and James Madison, respectively, wrote specifically about the dangers of domestic political factions.

Federalist No. 10, in which Madison discusses the means of preventing rule by majority faction and advocates a large, commercial republic, is generally regarded as the most important of the 85 articles from a philosophical perspective ; it is complemented by Federalist No. 14, in which Madison takes the measure of the United States, declares it appropriate for an extended republic, and concludes with a memorable defense of the constitutional and political creativity of the Federal Convention.

In Federalist No. 84, Hamilton makes the case that there is no need to amend the Constitution by adding a Bill of Rights, insisting that the various provisions in the proposed Constitution protecting liberty amount to a bill of rights.

Federalist No. 78, also written by Hamilton, lays the groundwork for the doctrine of judicial review by federal courts of federal legislation or executive acts.

Federalist No. 70 presents Hamilton's case for a one-man chief executive.

In Federalist No. 39, Madison presents the clearest exposition of what has come to be called " Federalism ".

In Federalist No. 51, Madison distills arguments for checks and balances in a memorable essay often quoted for its justification of government as " the greatest of all reflections on human nature.

He wrote in Federalist No. 1 that the series would " endeavor to give a satisfactory answer to all the objections which shall have made their appearance, that may seem to have any claim to your attention.

2, 3, 4, and 5 ), fell ill and contributed only one more essay, Federalist No. 64, to the series ; though he wrote a pamphlet in the spring of 1788, An Address to the People of the State of New-York, that made his distilled case for the Constitution ( Hamilton cited it approvingly in Federalist No. 85 ).

New essays continued to appear in the newspapers ; Federalist No. 77 was the last number to appear first in that form, on April 2.

Principal author of `` The Federalist '', he swung New York over from opposition to the Constitution to ratification almost single-handedly.

* Martin, James P. When Repression Is Democratic and Constitutional: The Federalist Theory of Representation and the Sedition Act of 1798.

Alexander Hamilton emphasized in The Federalist that this New York constitutional provision expressly made the common law subject " to such alterations and provisions as the legislature shall from time to time make concerning the same.

These policies became the basis of the Federalist Party in the 1790s.

His opponent in these races, Caleb Strong, was a popular moderate Federalist, whose party dominated the state's politics despite a national shift toward the Republicans.

Republican James Sullivan won the governor's seat from Strong in 1807, but his successor was unable to hold the seat in the 1809 election, which went to Federalist Christopher Gore.

In his second term he became notably more partisan, purging much of the state government of Federalist appointees.

The Federalist party of the United States were opposed by the Democratic-Republicans, including powerful figures such as Thomas Jefferson.

Although never officially joining the Federalist Party, he supported its programs.

Secretary of Treasury Alexander Hamilton had bold plans to establish the national credit and build a financially powerful nation, and formed the basis of the Federalist Party.

In the United States the Federalist Style contained many elements of Georgian style, but incorporated revolutionary symbols.

" Federalist newspapers editors and others at the time likened the district shape to a salamander, and the word gerrymander was a blend of that word and Governor Gerry's last name.

It is widely believed by historians that Federalist newspaper editors Nathan Hale, Benjamin and John Russell were the instigators, but the historical record gives no definitive evidence as to who created or uttered the word for the first time.

The word gerrymander was reprinted numerous times in Federalist newspapers in Massachusetts, New England, and nationwide during the remainder of 1812.

He was a member of the Federalist, Democratic-Republican, National Republican, and later Anti-Masonic and Whig parties.

In November 1802 he ran as a Federalist for the United States House of Representatives and lost.

The Massachusetts General Court elected Adams as a Federalist to the U. S. Senate soon after, and he served from March 4, 1803, until 1808, when he broke with the Federalist Party.

* March 1 – Federalist James Ross becomes President Pro Tempore of the United States Senate.

According to Federalist 1:

Modern scholars generally use the text prepared by Jacob E. Cooke for his 1961 edition of The Federalist ; this edition used the newspaper texts for essay numbers 1 – 76 and the McLean edition for essay numbers 77 – 85.

* New York Times, August 1, 2005, " Debating the Subtle Sway of the Federalist Society "

* Federalist Society response to August 1, 2005, New York Times article

* Ridgway, Whitman H. " Fries in the Federalist Imagination: a Crisis of Republican Society ," Pennsylvania History 2000 67 ( 1 ): 141-160

Winthrop Sargent ( May 1, 1753 – June 3, 1820 ) was a United States patriot, politician, and writer ; and a member of the Federalist party.

Lloyd was elected as a Federalist to the United States Senate to fill the vacancy caused by the resignation of John Henry and served from December 8, 1797 until December 1, 1800, when he resigned.

Christopher Gore ( September 21, 1758March 1, 1827 ) was a prominent Massachusetts lawyer, Federalist politician, and U. S. diplomat.

Alexander Hamilton, author of Federalist No. 1.

Federalist No. 1 ( Federalist Number 1 ) is an essay by Alexander Hamilton.

Federalist No. 1 introduces a series of essays published in the Independent Journal, the New-York Packet and the Daily Advertiser as a response to Anti-Federalist opposition to the proposed US Constitution.

Eloquently written, yet manifestly biased, Federalist No. 1 heaps praise upon the Constitution as an efficient system of government.

In fact, Federalist No. 1, as an introductory essay, can be interpreted mainly as an attempt to impress upon readers that opinions will always contain bias when it comes to important matters such as this.

It was published on December 1, 1787 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published.

It was published on January 1, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published.

It was published on March 1, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published.

It was published on February 1, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published.

The former is covered by Article II, Section 1, v of the United States Constitution, while the latter is covered by Hamilton in Federalist 68, noting that the person who will become President will have to be a person who contains the faculties necessary to become President, stating that,

It was published on April 1, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published.