He was also interested in philosophy — studying, among others, Socrates, Vasile Conta, and the Stoics Marcus Aurelius and Epictetus, and read works of history — the two Romanian historians who influenced him from early on were Bogdan Petriceicu Hasdeu and Nicolae Iorga.

The period was dominated by the overwhelming personality of the historian and politician Nicolae Iorga who, during his lifetime published over 1, 250 books and wrote more than 25, 000 articles.

It was discovered in 1915 by the Romanian scholar Nicolae Iorga.

Nicolae Iorga (; sometimes Neculai Iorga, Nicolas Jorga, Nicolai Jorga or Nicola Jorga, born Nicu N. Iorga ; January 17, 1871 – November 27, 1940 ) was a Romanian historian, politician, literary critic, memoirist, poet and playwright.

Holding teaching positions at the University of Bucharest, the University of Paris and several other academic institutions, Iorga was founder of the International Congress of Byzantine Studies and the Institute of South-East European Studies ( ISSEE ).

In parallel with his scientific contributions, Nicolae Iorga was a prominent right-of-center activist, whose political theory bridged conservatism, nationalism and agrarianism.

Initiator of large-scale campaigns to defend Romanian culture in front of perceived threats, Iorga sparked most controversy with his antisemitic rhetoric, and was for long an associate of the far right ideologue A. C. Cuza.

Involved in a personal dispute with the Guard's leader Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, and indirectly contributing to his killing, Iorga was also a prominent figure in Carol's corporatist and authoritarian party, the National Renaissance Front.

Nicolae Iorga was a native of Botoşani, and is generally believed to have been born on January 17, 1871 ( although his birth certificate has June 6 ).

Details on the family's more distant origins remain uncertain: Iorga was widely reputed to be of partial Greek-Romanian descent ; the rumor, still credited by some commentators, was rejected by the historian.

Iorga also credited this earliest formative period with having shaped his lifelong views on Romanian language and local culture: " I learned Romanian [...] as it was spoken back in the day: plainly, beautifully and above all resolutely and colorfully, without the intrusions of newspapers and best-selling books ".

His move was contrasted by the group of left-nationalists from the Poporanist faction, who were allied to the National Liberals and, soon after, in open conflict with Iorga.

According to one of Iorga's young disciples, the future journalist Pamfil Şeicaru, the mood was such that Iorga could have led a successful coup d ' état.

The perception that Iorga was a xenophobe also drew condemnation from more moderate traditionalist circles, in particular the Viaţa Literară weekly.

Its panelists, Ilarie Chendi and young Eugen Lovinescu, ridiculed Iorga's claim of superiority ; Chendi in particular criticized the rejection of writers based on their ethnic origin and not their ultimate merit ( while alleging, to Iorga's annoyance, that Iorga himself was a Greek ).

The schism was allegedly a direct result of his conflicts with other literary venues, and inaugurated a brief collaboration between Iorga and Făt Frumos journalist Emil Gârleanu.

The consequences hit Iorga in May 1909, when he was stopped from visiting Bukovina, officially branded a persona non grata, and expelled from Austrian soil ( in June, it was made illegal for Bukovinan schoolteachers to attend Iorga's lectures ).

In 1913, Iorga was in London for an International Congress of History, presenting a proposal for a new approach to medievalism and a paper discussing the sociocultural effects of the fall of Constantinople on Moldavia and Wallachia.

Iorga was even called under arms in the Second Balkan War, during which Romania fought alongside Serbia and against the Kingdom of Bulgaria.

The subsequent taking of Southern Dobruja, supported by Maiorescu and the Conservatives, was seen by Iorga as callous and imperialistic.

His attention was focused on the Albanians and Arbëreshë — Iorga soon discovered the oldest record of written Albanian, the 1462 Formula e pagëzimit.

The Romanian historian Nicolae Iorga believed the second part of the name ,-aba (" father "), to be an honorary title, as recognizable in many Cuman names, such as Terteroba, Arslanapa, and Ursoba.

Iorga was also the subject of a Gândirea special issue, being recognized as a forerunner ( a title he shared with Octavian Goga and Vasile Pârvan ).

In Romania, The Blind Owl was translated from Persian into Romanian in 1996 by the orientalist philologist Gheorghe Iorga, under the title Bufniţa neagră.

Returning to attend the London International Congress of History, Iorga was also made a honoris causa doctor by the University of Oxford ( with a reception speech likening him to both Livy and Pliny the Elder ).

Receiving another honoris causa doctorate, from the University of Lyon, Iorga went through an episode of reconciliation with Tudor Arghezi, who addressed him public praise.

Once settled, Iorga set up a specialized summer school, his own publishing house, a printing press and the literary supplement of Neamul Românesc, as well as an asylum managed by writer Constanţa Marino-Moscu.

His hesitantation was ridiculed by hawkish Eugen Lovinescu as pro-Transylvanian but anti-war, costing Iorga his office in the Cultural League.

The conditions were judged humiliating by Iorga (" Our ancestors would have preferred death "); he refused to regain his University of Bucharest chair.

Despite these successes, Iorga was reportedly snubbed by King Ferdinand, and only left to rely on Brătianu for support.

During the spring 1920 suffrage, Iorga was invited by journalist Sever Dan to run for a deputy seat in Transylvania, but eventually participated in and won the election of his earlier constituency, Covurlui County.

Iorga, whose PND had formed the Federation of National Democracy with the PŢ and other parties, was perplexed by Averescu's sui generis appeal and personality cult, writing: " Everything that party was about Averescu.

Iorga had by then finished several new theatrical plays: Moartea lui Dante (" The Death of Dante "), Molière se răzbună (" Molière Gets His Revenge "), Omul care ni trebuie (" The Man We Need ") and Sărmală, amicul poporului (" Sărmală, Friend of the People ").

Also then, Iorga was appointed Aggregate Professor by the University of Paris, received the honor of having foreign scholars lecturing at the Vălenii de Munte school, and published a number of scientific works and essays, such as: Brève histoire des croissades (" A Short History of the Crusades "), Cărţi reprezentative din viaţa omenirii (" Books Significant for Mankind's Existence "), România pitorească (" Picturesque Romania ") and a volume of addresses to the Romanian American community.

Iorga was again abroad in 1926 and 1927, lecturing on various subjects at reunions in France, Italy, Switzerland, Denmark, Spain, Sweden and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, many of his works being by then translated into French, English, German and Italian.

At home, the PND's merge into the PNR, accepted by Iorga, was stopped once the historian asked to become the resulting union's chief.

For a while in 1927, Iorga was also local leader of the Pan-European movement, created internationally by Graf Coudenhove-Kalergi.

In addition to his Bucharest Faculty of History chair, Iorga also took over the History of Literature course hosted by the same institution ( 1928 ).

Iorga embarked on a longer journey during 1930: again lecturing in Paris during January, he left for Genoa and, from there, traveled to the United States, visiting some 20 cities, being greeted by the Romanian-American community and meeting with President Herbert Hoover.

" Iorga's imprudent ambition is mentioned by cultural historian Z. Ornea, who also counts Iorga among those who had already opposed Carol's invalidation.

At the same time, his new education law enhancing university autonomy, for which Iorga had been campaigning since the 1920s, was openly challenged as unrealistic by fellow scholar Florian Ştefănescu-Goangă, who noted that it only encouraged political agitators to place themselves outside the state.